Full text of "The early Indian wars of Oregon : compiled from the Oregon archives and other original sources : with muster rolls"

See other formats

THE

EARLY INDIAN WARS

OREGON

FROM THE OREGON ARCHIVES AND
OTHER ORIGINAL SOURCES

MUSTER ROLLS.

FRANCES PULLER VICTOR.

&gt;AI.E:T, OREGON:

FRANK ( . UAKKIl, bTATI-: I lIINTER.
18W.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1894 by

FRANCES FULLER VICTOR,
In the oflicc oJ the Librarian of Congress at Washington.

HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 22.

Introduced by HON. WM. ARMSTRONG.

WHEREAS the early history of the territory of Oregon is in a
chaotic state as regards the early pioneers, those noble men and
women who braved the perils and sufferings incident to a long
and tedious journey over the then trackless and uninhabited des
ert ; and whereas there still remains a full and varied record of
the heroic deeds of those brave men and noble women, in the
office of the secretary of state, the compilation, tabulation, and
publication of which would redound to the honor of this patri
otic people, worthy of adorning the brightest page of American
history, and thereby transmit to posterity the fortitude and sacri
fices of the men who saved this state to the United States,-Ua
state that today is the brightest gem in the galaxy of our glori
ous constellation ; and whereas many of those early pioneers have
passed that bourne from whence no traveler returns, and Time has
laid his heavy hand on the hoary heads of those that remain, let
us join with them in erecting to their memory a monument that
will stand in the solitude of time, beneath whose shadow nations
may crumble, and around whose summit generations yet unborn
may linger, by the publication of those records, now resting in
oblivion, in the archives of the state; therefore be it

Resolved, That the secretary of state be and he is hereby in
structed to cause to be compiled, tabulated, and published, as far
as is possible from the material in his possession, a complete rec
ord of the early Indian wars of Oregon, including the wars of
1855 and 1856, and a brief sketch of the pioneer history preceding
such wars and connected therewith, and that he be instructed to
expend not to exceed the sum of fifteen hundred dollars out of
any moneys not otherwise appropriated, for the compilation and
tabulation of such historical record, and such other information
as will preserve the names and incidents connected with the In
dian wars of Oregon ; such historical work to be compiled under
his direction.

Be it further resolved, That the unexpended balance, if any,
shall be returned to the state treasury. The secretary of state is
hereby appointed custodian of such book when published, and he
is hereby authorized and directed to sell such book at the actual
cost of compilation and publication, and to report to the legisla-

(iii)

iv HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION NO. 22.

tive assembly of 1893 the amount of money received by him as
the proceeds of such sales. The secretary of state is further in
structed to compile statements showing services of the soldiers of
the Indian wars of Oregon, and to publish the same in pamphlet
form for distribution among the veterans of said wars.

Adopted by the house, February 18, 1891.

T. T. GEEB,
Speaker of the House.

Concurred in by the senate, February 19, 1891.

JOSEPH SIMON,
President of the Senate.

PREFACE.

HAVING been entrusted by the legislature of Oregon
with the duty of recording the history of the early wars
of the white race with the Indians of the northwest, it
appeared to me eminently proper to set forth the causes
in detail which led to those race conflicts. In doing
this I have endeavored to "nothing extenuate, nor set
down aught in malice," but rather to give a philosoph
ical view of the events recorded. This is the more im
portant because fiction and sentimentalism on one hand,
and vengeful hatred on the other, have perverted the
truth of history.

The Indian is a wild man; it would only be a fact of
evolution to call him a wild animal on his way to be a
man, provided the proper environments were furnished
him. While the instincts and perceptions are acute, the
ethical part of him is undeveloped, and his exhibitions
of a moral nature are whimsical and without motive.
Brought into contact with white men. whether of the
lowest or of the highest, he is always at a disadvantage
which is irritating, and subject to temptations which are
dangerous. On the other hand, the white man is sub
ject to the more subtle temptation to abuse his superi
ority for selfish purposes; he being in selfishness often
but little, if at all, removed from the wild man.

One point to be brought out in these pages is the ac
countability of the government in our Indian wars, and

(v)

vi PREFACE.

its indebtedness to the pioneers of every part of the
country: first, in inviting settlement, and then in not
properly protecting settlers. The policy of the govern
ment for a hundred years has been to throw out a
vanguard of immigration, and when these had fallen
victims to savage cupidity or hatred, to follow with a
tardy army and "punish" what it should have pre
vented. The Spaniards did better than this, for they
sent a garrison out with every colony and "reduced"
the native population with comparatively little blood
shed.

If this record of the first ten years of Indian war
fare in Oregon presents this subject fairly to the reader,
it will have achieved the purpose for which it was writ
ten.

SALEM, July 30, 1893.

CONTENTS.

THK CAYUSE WAR.

CHAPTER I.

PAOB

POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES REGARDING THE PACIFIC COAST TEMPER OF THE
PEOPLE Co SGRESS SEEKING INFORMATION EARLY FUR-TRADING EXPEDI
TIONSEFFECT OF CONGRESSIONAL INQUIRY ON THE PUBLIC MIND FLOYD S
SCHEMES FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF OREGON PETITIONS TO CONGRESS TO PASS
A BILL TO OCCUPY THE COLUMBIA REGION TROUBLES OF JOINT OCCUPATION
*- INDIAN CALL FOR TEACHERS MISSION EFFORT, AND ITS RESULT IN THE
WALLAMET VALLEY HOSTILITY OF THE MISSION COLONY TO THE BRITISH
OCCUPANTS SECRET AID FROM THE GOVERNMENT HUDSON S BAY COMPANY
INTRODUCE SETTLERS UNITED STATES NAVAL EXPEDITION FIRST ACTUAL
SETTLERS FROM THE UNITED STATES ELIJAH WHITE S IMMIGRATION FIRST
CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE INDIANS AND AMERICANS IN WESTERN OREGON /
JEDEDIAH SMITH AND JOHN TURNER BLACK, GAY, BAILEY A ROGUE RIVER
INDIAN SHOT LEE AND HINES VISIT TO THE UMPQUAS THE DALLES INDIANS ^

THE CLATSOPS PUGET SOUND TRIBES CONCLUSIONS DRAWN FROM THE
FOREGOING 1

CHAPTER II.

PRESBYTERIAN MISSIONS IN OREGON DR. WHITMAN H. H. SPALDING A. B.
SMITH W. H. GRAY, CORNELIUS ROGERS DR PARKER S MISSION TO OREGON

HEROIC WOMEN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FLATHEADS, CAYUSES, WALLA
WALLAS, AND NEZ PERCES BONNEVILLE S PRESENT FROM A CAYUSE THEIR
RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES --TAUGHT BY PA MBRUN MISSIONARIES UNABLE TO
UNDERSTAND THE INDIANS THEIR DEMANDS SPALDTNG S TROUBLES THK
FATE OF HAT ATTITUDE OF ELLIS EFFORTS AT AGRICULTURE MRS. SPALD
ING CHEMEKANE MISSION CATHOLIC INFLUENCE BLANCHET AND DEMERS

THE ROOT OF THE TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS CAY USES ASSAULT DR.
WHITMAN ASSISTANTS REFUSE TO REMAIN AT THE MISSION GRAY S INDIS
CRETIONTROUBLES OF SPALDING DEMANDS OF THE HOME BOARD ORDER
TO DISCONTINUE WAHLATPU AND LAPWAI MISSIONS ARRIVAL OF WHITE S
IMMIGRANT PARTY WHITMAN S PLANS, AND His SUDDEN JOURNEY EAST
OREGON AFFAIRS IN CONGRESS WHITMAN S BILL, AND WHAT IT ASKED FOR

-^ THE FAILURE OF His MISSION TO THE EAST CONCLUSIONS 17

CHAPTER III.

DR. WHITE CALLED TO THE CAYUSE COUNTRY DISTURBANCES AMONG THK INDIANS

PERSONNEL OF THE PARTY WHITE S POLICY COUNCIL WITH NEZ PEKCE.S

SPEECHES OF WHITE, MCKINLAY* ROGERS, AND MCKAY REPLIES OF FIVE

viii CONTENTS.

CROWS, BLOODY CHIEF DR. WHITE S CODE ITS ACCEPTANCE ELECTION OF
A HIGH CHIEF ADVICE TO THE NEZ PERCES SPALDING S REPORT TALK
OF THE CAYUSES A COUNCIL APPOINTED RETURN OF WHITE TO THE DALLES
TROUBLE AT CLATSOP FRESH ALARMS IN THE SPRING OF 1843 BREWER S
LETTER WHITE S EMBARRASSMENT MEMORIAL AGAINST DR. MCLOUGHLIN

How HE REPAID THE MEMORIALISTS COMPLAINTS OF THE DALLES INDIANS
WHITE PROCEEDS TO WAIILATPU EFFECT OF His VISIT THE CAYUSES
SHOW HIM THEIR FARMS AN EXTRAORDINARY CAVALCADE PERKINS VISITS
TO TAUITOWE S CAMP WHITE GOES TOLAPWAI NEZ PERCES RECEIVED INTO
THE CHURCH JOSEPH WELCOMES ELLIS EFFECT ON THEIR GUESTS LAAVYER

THE NEZ PERCES ACCOMPANY WHITE TO WAIILATPU GRAND RECEPTION
COUNCIL SPEECHES OF THE CHIEFS LAWS ACCEPTED WHITE RETURNS TO
THE DALLES TO TEACH THE INDIANS MRS. WHITMAN LEAVES WAIILATPU 43

CHAPTER IV.

Two IMPORTANT BARENTS WHITE S CAUTION TO THE IMMIGRANTS PILOTS OF 184:?
INDIANS TROUBLESOME TRADING FOR CATTLE THE DALLES MISSION ABAN
DONEDMISBEHAVIOR OF CHIEF COCKSTOCK THE AFFAIRS AT OREGON CITY
COCKSTOCK AND TAVO AMERICANS KILLED HUNGER AND THIEA^ING IN THE
WALLAMET VALLEY THE OREGON RANGERS AND THEIR EXPLOITS THE
INDIAN CATTLE COMPANY KILLING OF ELIJAH HEDDING ALARM IN OREGON
WHITE S DEPARTURE FOR WASHINGTON PEU-PEU-MOX-MOX IN CALIFORNIA
IN 1846 NEAV INDIAN AGENT IMMIGRATION OF 1845 ROAD MAKING POLI
TICS AND THE SOUTHERN ROUTE IMMIGRATION OF 1846 TREATMENT OF THE
INDIANS BY THE COLONISTS IMMIGRATION OF 1847 NEGLECT OF OREGON BY
THE GOVERNMENT THREATS OF INDEPENDENCE APPREHENSIONS THE BLOAV
FALLS.

CHAPTER V.

CAUSES OF THE CAYUSE HOSTILITIES DR. WHITMAN WARNED IMMIGRATION OF
1847 AMERICANS AT WAIILATPU ARRIVAL OF CATHOLIC PRIESTS WHIT

MAN S FEARS SICKNESS AMONG THE INDIANS WHITMAN AND SPALDING AT
UMATILLA THE MASSACRE AT WAIILATPU DEATH OF DR. AND MRS. WHI K*.
MAN AND SEVEN OTHERS ESCAPES, AND CAPTIVES REV. J. B. A. BROUILLET

ESCAPE OF MR. SPALDING CANFIELD REACHES LAPWAI COURAGE OF MRS.
SPALDING CONDUCT OF THE NEZ PERCES SPALDING S LETTER TO BROUTLLET

A COUNCIL HELD AT THE CATHOLIC MISSION INDIAN MANIFESTO OGDEN S
ARRIVAL AT FORT WALLA WALLA ANOTHER COUNCIL RANSOM PAID FOR
THE CAPTIVES ANXIETY OF OGDEN DEPARTURE FOR VANCOUVER HORRORS
OF THE CAPTIVITY SUSPICIONS AND MISTAKES OF CAPTIVES SUBSEQUENT
CONTROVERSIES OGDEN DELIVERS THE RELEASED AMERICANS TO GOVERNOR

A BERNETHY ENDLESS DISCUSSION OF CAUSES THE REAL CAUSE 92

CHAPTER VI.

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1847-8 RECEIPT OF THE NEWS OF THE MASSACRE AT WAIJ-
LATPU LETTER OF MCBEAN LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS MESSAGE OF
GOVERNOR A BERNETHY CONDITION OF THE TREASURY OF THE PROVISIONAL
GOVERNMENT EFFORTS TO PROCURE THE MEANS TO PUT TROOPS IN THE
FIELD THE HUDSON S BAY COMPANY DECLINE TO FURNISH MONEY COM
MISSIONERS BORROW A SMALL AMOUNT ON THE FAITH OF THE OREGON GOV
ERNMENTTHE LEGISLATURE AUTHORIZES THE RAISING AND EQUIPPING OF
A REGIMENT OF RIFLEMEN OFFICERS APPOINTED A MESSENGER DISPATCHED
TO WASHINGTON, AND ANOTHER TO CALIFORNIA FAILURE OF THE LATTER-- 127

CONTENTS. ix

CHAPTER VII.

ELECTION OF ARMY OFFICERS BY THE LEGISLATURE APPOINTMENT BY THE GOV
ERNOR OF A PEACE COMMISSION ITS OBJECT THE SALE OF FIREARMS TO
THE INDIANS PROHIBITED ATTITUDE OF THE SETTLERS TOWARDS THE INDIANS
FEELING TOWARDS THE HUDSON S BAY COMPANY COMPLAINT AGAINST
OGDEN ATTITUDE OF THE DALLES INDIANS FORT GILLIAM FIRST SKIRMISH
WITH THE ENEMY CONDITION OF PUBLIC SENTIMENT COLONEL GILLIAM S
HOSTILITY TO THE FUR COMPANY LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS REPLY OF
GOVERNOR ABERNETHY DEPARTURE FOR THE SEAT OF WAR GENERAL
ORDERS THE COMMISSARY-GENERAL AND PEACE COMMISSIONER AT FORT
GILLIAM ARRIVAL AT THE DALLES GILLI AM DISPLEASED ORDERS THE
ARMY FORWARD THE CAYUSES ATTACK, AND OPPOSE THE CROSSING OF TIIK
UMATILLA ARRIVAL AT WAUL ATPU AVOIDANCE OF THE INDIANS BY THE
COMMANDER DEPARTURE OF MEEK S PARTY FOR WASHINGTON A COUNCIL
FIELD WITH THE INDIANS BATTLE OF THE TOUCHET DEATH OF GILLIAM
PROMOTION OF LEE TO THE COMMAND OF THE ARMY __ __ 152

CHAPTER VIII.

ABERNETHY S LETTER TO GILLIAM CONDITION OF THE ARMY APPEAL OF MAX-
ONEFFORTS OF THE WOMEN OF OREGON CITY COMPACT OF FIFTEEN YOUNG
LADIES THE GOVERNOR S PROCLAMATION LEE S APPEAL MORE COMPANIES
RAISED DIFFICULT Y OF SENDING MEN TO THE FRONT WITHOUT MONEY
APPLEGATE S LETTER TO PALMER LETTER TO LEE AFFAIRS AT THE DALLES

EN ROUTE TO FORT WATERS CONDITION OF COMMISSARY STORES INDIANS
MORE FRIENDLY LEE FINDS THE REGIMENT IMPROVED, AND RESIGNS His
COMMISSION ACCEPTS ANOTHER INSTRUCTIONS OF THE GOVERNOR TO THE
SUPERINTENDENT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS OVERTURES OF THE YAKIMAS AND
OTHER TRIBES LEE S CHARGE TO THEM FRUITLESS PURSUIT OF THE CAY-
USESAGREEMENT WITH THE NEZ PERCES OFFER OF A REWARD FOR THE
CAPTURE OF THE CAYUSES RESULTS OF THE CAMPAIGN CAYUSE LANDS CON
FISCATEDWITHDRAWAL OF ARMY FORTS WATERS AND LEE HELD UNTIL
SEPTEMBER ARMY DISCHARGED LEE S RESIGNATION AND EXPLANATION-
SUSPECTED PRIESTS FOURTH OF JULY AT FORT WATERS RAIDS IN THE WALL-
AMET VALLEY__ 194

CHAPTER IX.

INDIAN TROUBLE ON THE SOUND ARRIVAL OF THE MASSACHUSETTS WITH
Two ARTILLERY COMPANIES SUB -INDIAN AGENT SERVICES OF DR. TOLMIE
THE MOUNTED RIFLE REGIMENT DESERTION OF MEN SURRENDER, TRIAL,
AND EXECUTION OF THE MURDERERS FAITHFUL DISCHARGE OF DUTY BY
THE REGIMENTAL AND ACCOUNTING OFFICERS OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERN
MENTREPORTS OF THE LOAN COMMISSIONERS, ADJUTANT^ GENERAL, AND COM
MISSARY AND QUARTERMASTER-GENERALSETTLEMENT OF THE CAYUSE WAR
DEBT __ 227

CONTENTS.

ROGUE RIVER WARS.
CHAPTER I.

WITH THEM NAMING A CHIEF APPOINTMENT OP AN INDIAN COMMISSION TO
MAKE TREATIES EXTRAVAGANT EXPENDITURE DART MADE SUPERINTEND
ENTOUTRAGES BY SNAKE INDIANS CAUSES TROUBLE WITH THE ROGUE-
RIVER INDIANS THE MURDER OF DILLEY TRAVELERS ATTACKED KEAR
NEY S SKIRMISH, AND DEATH OF CAPTAIN STUART VOLUNTEERING LANE
APPEARS AGAIN KEARNEY S FINAL BATTLE INDIAN PRISONERS DELIVERED
TO GOVERNOR GAINES THE PORT ORFORD SETTLEMENT ATTACKED MASSA
CRE ON THE COQUILLE ESCAPE OF T VAULT AND OTHERS TROOPS AND IN
DIAN AGENTS GAINES AND SKINNER COLONEL CASEY S OPERATIONS AR
RIVAL OF FRESH TROOPS CAMP CASTAWAY RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN THE
ROGUE-RIVER VALLEY ELISH A STEELE AND AGENT SKINNER FIGHT AT BIG
BAR TREATY MADE WITH CHIEF SAM NEGLECT OF THE FEDERAL GOVERN
MENTMURDERS BY THE MODOCS MCDERMIT S AND BEN WRIGHT S CAM
PAIGN EXPEDITION OF JOHN E. Ross PUNISHMENT OF THE MODOCS __ 267

CHAPTER H.

WEAKNESS OF TREATY OBLIGATIONS RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES IN ROGUE-RIVER
VALLEY ABSENCE OF AUTHORIZED AGENTS THE AUGUST OUTBREAK PETI
TION TO THE COMMANDER OF FORT JONES AID FROM FORT VANCOUVER, AND
A VOLUNTEER COMPANY FROM THE WALLAMET ALDEN TAKES COMMAND
VOLUNTEERS FROM YREKA JOIN THE REGULARS FORCES ORGANIZED SKIR
MISH ON EVANS CREEK, AND DEATH OF LIEUTENANT ELY WITH Six MEN
LANE APPEARS ON THE SCENE Is OFFERED THE COMMAND TAKES IT AL
DEN AND LANE WOUNDED CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES ARRANGEMENTS FOR
A TREATY ITS TERMS THE INDIANS GO UPON A RESERVATION, WITH S. H.
CULVER, AGENT TROUBLES IN OTHER LOCALITIES THE Loss OF LIFE AND
PROPERTY IN 1853 MURDERS IN 1854 BY THE SHASTAS THEY GO UNPUN
ISHED TROUBLES WITH THE COQUILLES THEIR PUNISHMENT BY VOLUNTEERS
THE MURDERS OF THE YEAR ATTITUDE OF GENERAL WOOL TOWARDS CI
VILIANSTHE "EXPEDITION TO FIGHT THE IMMIGRANTS " THE WARD MASSA
CRE HALLER S EXPEDITION TO BOISE CURRY S ACTION THE PROCLAMA
TION WITHDRAWN 307

CHAPTER III.

SMALL MILITARY FORCE OF THE PACIFIC AFFAIRS OF THE INDIAN SUPERINTEND-
ENCY THE TREATY OF WALLA WALLA CONDUCT OF CHIEFS AT THE COUN
CIL SPEECH OF CAYUSE HEAD CHIEF THE INFLUENCE OF LAAVYER THE
OPPOSITION OF KAMIAKIN THE TREATY SIGNED RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN
SOUTHERN OREGON MURDERS VOLUNTEER COMPANIES AND REGULARS DIS
AGREETROUBLES ON THE COQUILLE MURDER OF TRAVELERS IN ROGUE-
RIVER AND UMPQUA VALLEYS THE LUPTON AFFAIR THE MASSACRES OF
OCTOBER NINTH DEATH OF MRS. WAGONER BRAVERY OF MRS. HARRIS
ARMING OF THE PEOPLE HOSTILITIES GENERAL THE NINTH REGIMENT
THE BATTLE OF SKULL BAR MORE MURDERS GUARDING ROADS AND SET
TLEMENTSBATTLE OF HUNGRY HILL CONDUCT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS BY THE

CONTENTS. xi

PAGE

SUPERINTENDENT THE GOVERNOR CALLS FOR VOLUNTEERS NINTH REGI
MENT DISBANDED NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN BATTALIONS CONSOLIDATION
INTO THE SECOND REGIMENT OF OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS REGULARS
ASSIST THE TERRITORIAL FORCES ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE "THE MEADOWS"
FIGHT OF ALCORN ON LITTLE BUTTE CREEK THE FIGHT OF RICE ON ROGUE
RIVER BATTLE OF "THE CABINS" FIGHT ON APPLEGATE CREEK BY BRUCE,
O NEAL, AND ALCORN THE THANKLESS SERVICE THE NORTHERN COMPA
NIES DISCHARGED RECRUITS CALLED FOR 332

CHAPTER IV.

TROUBLES IN WRIGHT S SUB-AGENCY THE COQUILLE GUARDS THEIR OPERA
TIONS IN COQUILLE DISTRICT LETTER OF CAPTAIN PACKWOOD TO GOVERNOR
CURRY POLAND S GOLD BEACH COMPANY THE MASSACRE OF FEBRUARY
TWENTY-THIRD KILLING OF WRIGHT AND POLAND LONG SIEGE OF THOSE
WHO ESCAPED Loss OF A PARTY OF RESCUERS FROM PORT ORFORD FEARS
OF A FAMINE TIMELY ARRIVAL OF REGULAR TROOPS UNDER COLONEL BU
CHANANORGANIZATION OF MINUTE MEN ABBOTT S COMPANY ATTACKED
INDIFFERENCE OF THE REGULAR TROOPS TO THEIR SUFFERINGS PETITION OF
JACKSON COUNTY TO GENERAL WOOL His ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CIVIL
AUTHORITIES RE-ORGANIZATION OF THE SECOND REGIMENT EXTRACT FROM
THE WRITINGS OF J. M. SUTTON EXTRACTS FROM THE REPORTS OF CAPTAINS
O NEIL, BUSHEY, BUOY, GEORGE, SHEFFIELD, WALLEN, CREIGHTON, HARRIS,
AND COLONEL KELSEY ATTACK ON THE MEADOWS THE INDIANS DISLODGED

PLANS OF THE UNITED STATES OFFICERS FOR PEACE A FIGHT AND A COUN
CILJOHN DETERMINED TO CONTINUE HOSTILITIES SMITH ATTACKED NEAR
THE MEADOWS THE BATTLE AND RELIEF MOVEMENTS OF VOLUNTEERS
SURRENDER OF THE INDIANS THEY ARE TAKEN TO THE COAST RESERVATION

DISCOMFORT AND DISCONTENT MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT FINAL CLOSE
OF INDIAN WARS IN SOUTHWESTERN OREGON PRESENT CONDITION OF THE
INDIANS... __ 371

THE YAKIMA WAR.

CHAPTER I.

EXTENT OF THE HOSTILE CONFERATION IN OREGON AND WASHINGTON THE YAK-
IMAS MURDER MINERS DEATH OF BOLAN KAMIAKIN S CONFESSION TO A SPY

THE PREPARATIONS FOR WAR ACTING GOVERNOR MASON OF WASHINGTON
TERRITORY MAKES A REQUISITION UPON THE UNITED STATES FORTS MAJOR
HALLER is ORDERED INTO THE YAKIMA COUNTRY His BATTLE AND DEFEAT

COMMENTS OF GENERAL WOOL RE-ENFORCEMENTS AND VOLUNTEERS ARE
CALLED FOR ACTION OF GOVERNOR CURRY A REGIMENT CALLED OUT BY
PROCLAMATION MAJOR RAINS CAMPAIGN KAMIAKIN S LETTER RAINS RK-
PLY WOOL S REMARKS ON RAINS CAMPAIGN INDIFFERENCE OF THE REGU
LAR ARMY TO THE PERIL OF GOVERNOR STEVENS OLNEY S FUTILE ATTEMPT
TO PREVENT THE WALLA WALLAS AND CAYUSES JOINING KAMIAKIN His OR
DER TO THE SETTLERS RAYMOND S LETTER TO THE VOLUNTEER COMMANDER

FORT WALLA WALLA DESTROYED WITH ALL ITS CONTENTS CURRY S VIEW
OF His DUTY ORGANIZATION OF THE FIRST REGIMENT OF OREGON MOUNTED
VOLUNTEERS OCCUPATION OF WALLA WALLA VALLEY BY OREGON FORCES
THE BATTLE OF WALLA WALLA KILLING OF PEU-PEU-MOX-MOX INDIGNITIES

xii CONTENTS.

INFLICTED ON His BODY END OF FOUR DAYS
TIRE LOSSES ON BOTH SIDES FORT BENNETT ERECTED SAFE ARRIVAL OF
GOVERNOR STEVENS AT THE FORT His COURSE WITH THE CCEUR D ALENES,
SPOKANES, NEZ PERCES LOOKING GLASS TREACHEROUS SUCCESSFUL COUN
CILSRESIGNATION OF NESMITH THOMAS CORNELIUS is CHOSEN COLONEL
THE REGIMENT RECRUITED HARD FARE FIGHT WITH THE YAKIMAS Loss
OF MOUNTS REGIMENT DISBANDED A BATTALION OF OREGON RANGERS OR
GANIZED ___ _ 423

CHAPTER II.

ARRIVAL OF COLONEL WRIGHT WITH NINTH INFANTRY POSTS GARRISONED
IMPORTANCE OF THE CASCADES ERROR OF GENERAL WOOL ATTACK ON THE
CASCADES BY THE YAKIMAS THE LONG SIEGE OF BRADFORD S STORE APPEAR
ANCE OF THE TROOPS VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS FROM VANCOUVER AND
PORTLAND SHERIDAN S PLIGHT STEPTOE S ERROR LIST OF KILLED AND
WOUNDED TRIAL AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CASCADE INDIANS WRIGHT S
CAMPAIGN IN THE YAKIMA COUNTRY, AND ITS RESULTS COURSE OF GOVERNOR
STEVENS WASHINGTON VOLUNTEERS TAKE THE PLACE OF THE DISBANDED
OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEER REGIMENT LETTER OF INDIAN AGENT CRAIG
BATTLE OF GRAND ROND EFFECT OF SHAW S POLICY STEVENS FAILURE IN
THE COUNCIL WITH THE NEZ PERCES ATTACKED BY THE CAYUSES AND WALLA
WALLAS WOOL S REPORT ON THIS MATTER STEVENS REMARKS UPON THE
POLICY OF COLONEL WRIGHT FORT WALLA WALLA ESTABLISHED THE OK-
EGON AND WASHINGTON SUPERINTENDENCES UNITED GENERAL WOOL RE
CALLED, AND GENERAL NEWMAN S. CLARKE SUCCEEDS HIM SLIGHT CHANGES
AT FIRST STEPTOE S DISASTROUS MARCH CLARKE AND WRIGHT AT LAST
AROUSED WRIGHT S CAMPAIGN BATTLE OF FOUR LAKES THE TROOPS VIC
TORIOUS AND THE INDIANS SUBDUED KAMIAKIN S FLIGHT WRIGHT S HEROIC
TREATMENT OF THE INDIAN QUESTION WHEN THE ARMY WAS HURT 458

THE CAYUSE WAR.

THE CAYUSE WAR

CHAPTER I.

POLICY OP THE UNITED STATES REGARDING THE PACIFIC COAST TEMPER OF THE
PEOPLE CONGRESS SEEKING INFORMATION EARLY FUR-TRADING EXPEDITIONS-
EFFECT OF CONGRESSIONAL INQUIRY ON THE PUBLIC MIND FLOYD S SCHEMES
FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF OREGON PETITIONS TO CONGRESS TO PASS A BILL TO
OCCUPY THE COLUMBIA REGION TROUBLES OF JOINT OCCUPATION INDIAN CALL
FOR TEACHERS MISSION EFFORT, AND ITS RESULT IN THE WALLAMET VALLEY

HOSTILITY OF THE MISSION COLONY TO THE BRITISH OCCUPANTS SECRET AID
FROM THE GOVERNMENT HUDSON S BAY COMPANY INTRODUCE SETTLERS UNITED
STATES NAVAL EXPEDITION FIRST ACTUAL SETTLERS FROM THE UNITED STATES

ELIJAH WHITE S IMMIGRATION FIRST CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE INDIANS AND
AMERICANS IN WESTERN OREGON JEDEDIAH SMITH AND JOHN*TURNER BLACK,
GAY, BAILEY A ROGUE RIVER INDIAN SHOT LEE AND HINES VISIT TO THE
UMPQUAS THE DALLES INDIANS THE CLATSOPS PUGET SOUND TRIBES CON
CLUSIONS DRAWN FROM THE FOREGOING.

FOR more than twenty years before the first immigrant
party set out for Oregon, the government had been point
ing out to the people of the United States the prize it was
reaching after on the shores of the Pacific. As a nation
America was still too young for conquest, even had it been
a part of our policy to acquire territory by force, which it
was not. By treaties, and by expending a few millions in
money, we obtained the transfer of French and Spanish
titles; and by force of defensive arms had compelled Great
Britain to surrender to us the forts she held on our lake
borders.

But before this was accomplished, far-seeing statesmen
had set on foot that transcontinental expedition, never
appreciatingly eulogized in. the past, nor adequately hon
ored with remembrance in the present the journey of
Lewis and Clarke from the Missouri river to the Pacific, at
the mouth of the Columbia, in 1804-5-6. It was a brave
and a perilous undertaking, and forged one of the strong-
CD

2 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

est links in the chain of evidence which prevailed in the
controversy with Great Britain concerning our title to the
Pacific Northwest. It stimulated the first commercial
enterprise on the coast of Oregon the Pacific Fur Com
pany of Astor the melancholy failure of which, through
the cowardice and treachery of his Canadian partners,
made room for the advent of a British company.

The ruin of the Pacific Fur Company was regarded as
a humiliation to the country, but such was the situation
of international politics that congress declined to inter
fere, or subsequently to extend aid to individual enterprise
in Oregon, and the Hudson s Bay Company, successor to
the Northwest Company, was left in actual possession,
while diplomacy in London and Washington carried on
the contest for mastery year after year, with varying
prospects of success.

The war of the Revolution had found Americans a
nation of politicians, and left them a nation of patriots,
barring the Tory minority, of whom, after the Declaration
of Independence, very little was heard: The doings of
congress in the early part of the century were far more
interesting to, and notwithstanding the lesser number of
public prints, more studied by the people than are its acts
in this age of daily newspapers. Each man who had in
any way aided in the struggle for freedom felt a personal
pride in enhancing the glory of the new republic, and a
corresponding desire to punish its enemies or abase its
rivals. Such was the spirit of Americanism for the first
fifty years of the existence of the United States.

Well aware of the national temper, statesmen made use
of it in the movement to establish the title to the territory
in dispute on the Pacific coast. They took care to inform
themselves of the private enterprises of the citizens in the
Northwest, the most notable of which, as occurring so soon
after Lewis and Clarke s expedition, was the adventure of
Major Henry, who led a fur-hunting party to the head
waters of therh&$rt in 1808. lie confined his suhse-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 3

quent operations, however, to the headwaters of the $$&
$(fd)WC where his name is preserved in Henry s Fork of
that river.

As early as 1820, Floyd, member of congress from Vir
ginia, caused inquiry to be made "into the situation of the
settlements on the Pacific ocean," having reference to
Astoria, which had been restored to us after the war of
1812-15, and to the settlements of the British fur compa
nies in this region.

Among the matter brought to light by this inquiry was
an account in 1823 of the expedition of W. H. Ashley in
the previous year. Encouraged by indications of govern
ment support, Ashley, in 1822, pushed a trading party as
far west as the South Pass. In 1823 he took a wagon
train to Green river, repeating his venture for several sea
sons, and reporting to the government all the information
obtained in his several expeditions. Other companies
succeeded him, and came, into conflict with the Hudson s
Bay Company on the west side of the Rocky mountains;
their explorations being watched with interest by those
having the future of the United States under consideration.

Floyd, in 1821, presented a report to congress contain
ing all the information gathered from the explorations of
traders and adventurers, introducing a bill at the same time
authorizing the president to occupy the Oregon territory,
extinguish the Indian title, and provide a government,
occupation meaning defenses at the mouth of the Colum
bia, and military settlements at intervals along the route
to the Columbia. This bill was discussed and amended
from session to session, the military features being gradually
eliminated as the temper of the nation changed, dona
tions of land being offered to settlers as an inducement to
emigration. Already, in 1822, petitions began to flow in
from associations in different states, both north and south,
memorializing congress to pass Floyd s bill, and books and
pamphlets on the boundary question between Great Britain
and the United States abounded, written not only, or not so

4 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

much by statesmen, as by politicians among the people.
Correspondence between the diplomats of both nations
may have been, if not aided, at least rendered more cau
tious by the arguments put forth so freely on every hand.
Congress, it must be conceded, by admitting bills promoting
emigration to a territory in dispute while negotiations were
still pending, violated the international code of fair deal
ing; but not more, it was argued, than Great Britain, who
peopled it with traders, and despoiled it of its natural
wealth of furs, giving us occasion to act upon the premise
that " all is fair in love and war." The congressional con
science was satisfied by refraining from passing the bills
under discussion, while the utterances put forth in speeches,
often full of erroneous statements, served to keep the na
tional spirit in a menacing attitude toward our British
rival. Joint occupation, where each nation looked upon
the other as an intruder, was a wholly unsatisfactory con
dition, and fostered in the people a feeling of defiance
towards the rival power never quite appeased since the
late war. In the meantime it occurred to religious socie
ties to send missionaries to teach the Indians of Oregon,
about whom very favorable statements were made by the
fur companies dealing with them concerning their natural
tendencies towards religion. The appearance in St. Louis
of four Flatheads, proteges of one of the companies, in
1832, and their demand for teachers, was the alleged cause
of the immediate action of the Methodist church, and
the subsequent action of the Presbyterian and Catholic
churches, in establishing missions in Oregon.

That these young chiefs should have traveled two
thousand miles in search of spiritual teachers was deemed
so much more remarkable than that the St. Louis company
should have traveled the same distance in search of furs,
that they were at once elevated into something, if not
superhuman, at least greatly superbarbarian in character,
and the country rang with the exploit. Those who gave
the story its wonderful wings might have remembered that

THE GAYUSE WAR. 5

in the history of all invasions or explorations of new
countries, the invaders have brought back with them some
best specimens of the native people to show in evidence of
something they wished to prove. But in this instance it
was not unnatural that these Indians, perceiving that
white men were possessed of knowledge and property above
anything ever imagined among themselves, should have
desired to obtain a clue to this superiority; nor, since all
primitive people are superstitious, with a great awe of
spiritual influences, that they should have inquired con
cerning the God of the white men, and desired to be taught
his ways with his creatures. It was a day of great mission
ary enterprises, and the call of the Flatheads was quickly
responded to by the organization of a mission party of five
men two preachers, Jason and Daniel Lee, from Stan-
stead, Canada, and later of Wilbrahoam seminary; and two
laymen, Cyrus Shepard of Lynn, Massachusetts, and Philip
L. Edwards of Richmond, Missouri; with, as a helper,
Courtney M. Walker of the same place, engaged for one
year. These, in the spring of 1834, joined a fur-hunting
expedition under Nathaniel J. Wyeth bound for the Colum
bia river. In addition, two naturalists Townsend and
Nuttall were attached to Wyeth s party, and all these,
although &gt; keeping up separate organizations, traveled
together with the St. Louis Fur Company under William
Sublette, the joint expedition numbering seventy men, with
two hundred and fifty horses, and a small herd of cattle.

The missionaries did not, as had been expected, tarry
among the Indians upon the upper Columbia. Perhaps
the American fur companies who traded with them did
not desire it; at all events they came with Wyeth to the
lower Columbia, and were received in an unexpectedly
friendly fashion by the British company whose head
quarters were at Vancouver, and who also politely but
determinedly made Oregon very uncomfortable for the
Yankee trader, who soon sold out to them and retreated
from the field.

6 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Not so the missionaries, who selected ti site for their
habitation in the fertile Wallamet valley, and began
teaching as best they could a nomadic race, already infected
with the poison of scrofula. The outcome was what might
have been expected. They soon had, to use their own
language, "more children in the graveyard than in the
schoolroom"; for Indian youth, accustomed to freedom of
movement, of air, and a certain diet, could not long with
stand the influence of unaccustomed labor, confinement in
a crowded house, and different forms of food. Besides,
there was sickness among teachers as well as children,
induced by the malaria arising from turning up the rich
soil of the valley in opening the mission farm. In place
of the Indians, however, a few white adventurers found
their way to the valley.

Under these circumstances what should be done? Go
back whence they came and abandon their undertaking?
No; indeed no! Lee had sent home such a report in the
beginning as caused the church to reenforce him in the
third year with a fuller complement of teachers women
a physician, and mechanics, who came by sea. Other
reports were sent home of the beauty and fertility of the
country, and the arbitrary demeanor of the British resi
dents towards American citizens, which found .their way
to Washington. Then came a government agent in the
character of a private citizen to confirm these rumors, who
encouraged the missionaries to found a colony, and helped
them to procure cattle from California to stock the grassy
plains of the Wallamet. Following Slacum s report to the
government was a petition gotten up among the missiona
ries, who had attached to their colony the few Americans
led by adventure into the country, all of whom signed the
petition for protection from the tyranny of the Hudson s
Bay Company, which, it was contended, had no rights the
United States was bound to respect on the south side of
the Columbia, where its dependents had already seized
upon a large tract of fertile prairie. So well did they pre-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 7

sent this argument to the Canadians themselves, that many
of them in fear of losing their farms signed the petition to
have the protection of the United States government ex
tended over them.

So much did Jason Lee have at heart the colonial
scheme that in the spring of 1838 he returned to the
states overland, carrying this memorial; and so did he
prevail both with the church and members of the cabinet
that in 1840 a third reinforcement and a shipload of goods
and farming implements arrived for the mission settle
ments, which were scattered from The Dalles to the mouth
of the Columbia, but which as missions were soon after
abandoned, the incumbents frankly owning the hopeless
ness of the missionary cause with the native population
of western Oregon.

In 1840 the missionaries again petitioned congress to
establish a territorial government in Oregon. The mission
colony received this year a reinforcement of over fifty
persons, swelling the whole number to seventy, and was
assisted by the government an open secret then, and
admitted freely at a later period. Every one who could
be induced to go to Oregon at that time was encouraged,
if necessary, by financial aid from the contingent fund;
both parties to the boundary controversy feeling that
occupation was the argument which must ultimately
settle the vexed question.

To offset the mission colony the Hudson s Bay Company
introduced in 1841 about an equal number of Red-river
people to the Puget Sound region, many of whom subse
quently settled south of the Columbia. This year also
Oregon was visited by the United States exploring expedi
tion under Commodore Wilkes, who inspected the Ameri
can settlements, and was consulted by the colonists with
regard to organizing a provisional government; a scheme
he disapproved as unnecessary. In the autumn there
arrived overland a small company of actual settlers the
first low wash of the wave of immigration which touched

8 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON.

the shore of the Pacific Northwest, which was neither of
the missionary or adventurer classes, but men with
families. 1

To such straits were the friends of Oregon in Washing
ton reduced about this time by the condition of our
international affairs, that in the spring of 1842 John G.
Spencer, the then secretary of war, found it necessary to
invite Dr. Elijah White, the first physician of the Metho
dist mission, who had returned to his home in Ithica, New
York, to come to Washington to answer certain questions;
amongst others if he felt competent to pilot an emigration
to Oregon that year. For notwithstanding the great
amount of writing and public speaking on the Pacific
territory claimed by us, and the prospect of the passage of
a very favorable land bill in charge of Dr. Linn, senator
from Missouri, who had taken up the work suspended by
Floyd s retirement from congress, no important movement
of the people in the direction of Oregon had yet been
made. The people were waiting for the Linn bill to be
come a law; and congress was waiting for an emigration
movement to justify such a law ; for to legislate for Oregon
while our northern boundary was unsettled might compli
cate international affairs. Hence the appeal to White,
and the offer of a commission from the government.

White was of that happy-go-lucky temperament that
nothing ever dismayed not even the reproaches of his
own conscience and although he had never crossed the
continent, he knew those who had, and felt himself equal
to the emergency. He therefore immediately set about
the labor of drumming up a company, for it was January,
and he must start by the middle of May. His pay as
Indian agent was only seven hundred and fifty dollars a
year, with the promise of double that amount when the
land bill became a law, and permission to draw upon the

1 It should perhaps be explained that these immigrants started for California in
Bidwell s company, but turned off at Fort Hall and came to Oregon. They finally
went to California with Wilkes overland expedition, as did also Joel P. Walker and
his family, who arrived in Oregon in 1840.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 9

government for funds to meet necessary expenses. Pocket
ing his commission, which really amounted to nothing
except as a sop to the colonists to keep them loyal and
hopeful, he proceeded westward to St. Louis, lecturing by
the way, and writing such articles for the newspapers as
was calculated to engage the attention of those persons
already half minded to go to Oregon. In this way he
drew together the several small parties which constituted
the immigration of 1842, a movement more important than
at first appeared, the fame of it in the states encouraging
the ten times larger immigration which followed in 1843.
The effect of it on the colony also, together with the news
he brought directly from Washington of the probable
early passage of Linn s land bill, and the treaty in contem
plation by which they expected the boundary would be
defined, was to raise in their breasts happy anticipations
of a local government sanctioned and supported by the
strong arm of their common country.

White s party consisted of one hundred and twelve per
sons, fifty-two of whom were able-bodied men, and ten of
whom had families. To these were added, en route, several
mountain men and adventurers, bringing the number up
to one hundred and thirty-seven. They traveled with a
train of eighteen Pennsylvania wagons, and a long pro
cession of horses, pack mules and cattle, and were the first
openly avowed immigration of settlers to Oregon. The
wagons and cattle were left at Forts Laramie and Hall,
the remainder of the journey being performed with only
pack animals a mistake due to Dr. White s ignorance of
the country, he having traveled the sea route to and from
Oregon. Accredited to this country as United States sub-
Indian agent and government spy, he professed to believe
himself the authorized governor of Oregon, although his
commission was merely a verbal one, and its powers unde
fined. The colony, however, ignored his pretensions, ex
cept in so far as related to the office of United States
Indian agent.

10 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Thus far no greater trials had befallen the Oregon colony
than those which are common to border life. Indeed, they
had been spared the great calamity of most border com
munities Indian warfare. For this immunity there were
two principal reasons: the first, that the nations of the
whole country west of the Rocky mountains were in a
state of semi-vassalage to the Hudson s Bay Company,
which required them to live in peace, and was generally
able to control them; the second, that the Indians of the
lower Columbia and Wallamet valleys were so weakened
by disease as to have lost their warlike character. That
there were strong and hostile tribes to the south, east, and
north, among whom even the powerful British company
was forced to live in forts, was true, but they usually con
fined their hostilities to strangers passing through their
country, and did not go abroad to attack others unless
they had some injury, real or imagined, to avenge. Thus,
although sometimes alarmed by insignificant quarrels
amongst them, occasioned by theft or by indulgence in
strong drink furnished by Americans to their shame be
it said the Indians in the vicinity of the missions were,
if worthless, at least peaceable.

To preserve this peace the fur company and the mis
sionaries united in the purchase and destruction of a dis
tillery and organized a temperance society, which was
joined by a majority of the inhabitants irrespective of
nationality, and to this influence without doubt was owing
the immunity from Indian warfare enjoyed by the earliest
settlers of the Wallamet valley. There were .not lacking,
however, examples of savage manners sufficiently brutal
and explicit to cause occasional shudderings among the
handful of white intruders in their midst. Hardly was the
mission established in the Wallamet valley when the bach
elor housekeepers were startled by the appearance of a
large and powerful white man, ill-clad, and accompanied
by an Indian woman, descending the river on a raft, who
landed and solicited succor. It proved to be John Turner,

THL CAYUSE WAR. 11

a man afterwards famed among the settlers fur qualities
not thought necessary to Christian endeavor, though he
counted as an American, and no one esteemed his enor
mous strength as worthless in a young community sur
rounded by possible dangers.

Turner had a story to relate which engaged the sympa
thies of his entertainers. This was not his first appearance
in Oregon. Five years previous he had been a member of
a party under Jedediah Smith of the Rocky Mountain
Fur Company, who was approaching the Wallarnet valley
via the coast route from California, when at the crossing
of the Umpqua near where Scottsburg now stands, while
looking for a fording place for the pack animals, the party
was attacked and nine men out of thirteen killed, Smith
losing twenty thousand dollars worth of furs and all his
horses and other property. Smith himself escaped with
one man, being on a raft in the river when the attack on
the camp was made, and reached Fort Vancouver in a suf
fering condition, where he wintered, being kindly cared
for by the Hudson s Bay Company. A strong party was
sent by the company to punish the Umpquas and retake
the furs, which the company purchased, sending Smith
back to the Rocky mountains after his associates had de
spaired of ever seeing him again.

Of two other men who escaped, Turner was one. He
defended himself with a burning poplar stick snatched
from the fire, his enormous strength enabling him to fell
his assailants as he retreated, until finally he eluded them,
fleeing to the mountains alone, and reaching Vancouver
in a wretched state during the winter. The fourth man,
named Black, also gained that asylum by the aid of some
friendly Indians whom he met further north.

Turner s second adventure in entering Oregon was with
the Indians at the crossing of Rogue river, and was simi
lar to the first. The party consisted of eight men, four of
whom were killed. Turner s arrival at the mission was
the occasion of great excitement, and the appearance of

12 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

others was anxiously looked for. After several days
George Gay, and William J. Bailey, who became promi
nent among the first settlers of Oregon, were discovered
on the bank of the Wallamet, opposite the mission, con
templating it with an earnest attention, as we may readily
understand. Finally one of them, Bailey, plunged in and
attempted to swim across, but being weak from wounds
and famine, was about to perish in the strong current,
when his companion sprang to his rescue, sustaining him
until a canoe put out from the opposite shore to the relief
of both.

Bailey was frightfully wounded. One cut extended
through the upper lip just below the nose, and through
the upper and lower jaws and chin, passing into the side
of the neck, only narrowly missing the jugular vein.
Unable from the terrible pain to properly adjust the parts,
he had simply bound them together with a handkerchief,
from which neglect in healing they left his face distorted
to an unsightly degree. He was placed in the hospital at
Vancouver, where his numerous other injuries were at
tended to, and afterwards, being bred a surgeon, he prac
ticed medicine and surgery among the colonists. The
fourth man missed the settlements, and reached Wyeth s
fort on Sauve s island, more dead than alive, and was
kindly cared for.

When the cattle company was sent to California to pur
chase stock for the mission and settlers in 1837, Ewing
Young, a prominent American, was placed in command,
and P. L. Edwards of the mission made treasurer. Tur
ner, Gay, and Bailey were of the company, and as they
approached the scene of their loss and suffering of two
years before, with the precious herd, it became evident
there would be trouble. The Indians would endeavor to
secure some of the cattle; but even if thev did not, Turner,
Gay, and Bailey were longing for vengeance, and uttering
threats against the Rogue river Indians. Four days before
reaching Rogue river, Gay and Bailey shot an Indian who

THE CAYUSE WAR. 13

entered their camp, and threatened another one, a mere
boy.

The only justification offered was that they had before
suffered by allowing Indians to approach them in camp.
But the act was none the less imprudent as it was im
moral; for it invited retaliation, and compelled Young to
double the guard and to use extreme caution in passing
points where an ambush was possible. On reaching the
locality made memorable by the attack on their party in
1835, they were assailed by a cloud of arrows discharged
upon them with deafening yells. Young s horse was shot
twice, and Gay was again wounded. The guns of the
white men were, however, more than a match for Indian
arrows; and after a skirmish the savages retired to trouble
them no more. The truth of history requires that the
brutal act, of the superior race shall be recorded as well as
those of the inferior, as by them we are able to form our
judgment of both.

In March, 1838, Jason Lee and Gustavus Hines made
an excursion to the Umpqua valley in the vicinity of one
of the forts of the Hudson s Bay Company in charge of
one Gagnier, with a view to a mission in that quarter; but
found the natives so wild and threatening in their disposi
tion that despite the attractions of the country for coloni
zation they gave an adverse report. Mr. Hines, in his
History of Oregon, relates that Mr. Lee had brought a
fowling-piece with him, and a patent shot pouch. This
latter thing alarmed the chief, who happened to be at the
fort, and he informed his people that Lee had brought
medicine in a bag which he wore around his neck with
which he intended to kill them all off. Gagnier sent his
Umpqua wife with the missionaries to explain matters to
the Indians, who with customary readiness avowed their
intention to become Christians at once. Appearances were,
however, so much against them that no efforts were made
in that direction; and subsequent events justified this
unfavorable judgment.

14 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Trouble was sometimes had with the Indians at The
Dalles, who were a roguish and impertinent set of rascals,
playing thieving tricks upon persons having to pass their
way, and exacting double pay for any services when they
had made these services indispensable by their own acts;
but so far they had been held in check by the influence of
the resident fur company.

It was among these that Daniel Lee and H. K. W. Per
kins attempted missionary work in 1838, which they con
tinued with little success for four or five years. At one
time they sent east glowing accounts of congregations of
several hundred Indians and numerous conversions. But
they had not made allowance for the shrewdness of the
savage, nor for his cupidity and literalness. When Per
kins was solicited by one of his neophytes for a coat, he
said to him, "You must work and earn one"; whereupon
the innocent replied, "You told me if I became converted
and prayed for what I wanted I should get it. If it is
work only that will bring a coat, I can get one any time
of the Hudson s Bay Company." They often demanded
pay for praying, or on receiving some great favor de
clared their hearts were full of pray." It did not take
them long to discover that supplication was not always
rewarded with their heart s desire in other matters. On
the death of a chief, one of Lee and Perkins converts
asked sorrowfully, "What is the good of prayer? Our
chief prayed, and now he is dead?" Lee himself was
forced to purchase immunity from theft by valuable gifts.
Refusing to pay an indemnity for a boy who died after
being in his service, the mission horses were stolen. They
resented not being allowed to avenge the murder of their
relatives, and put on airs of equality with their teachers,
demanding a visit of ceremony from the superintendent,
such as the missionaries received.

Such conduct would not be permitted by the officers of
the Hudson s Bay Company, and the Indians judged the
missionaries accordingly. That there was danger in it the
missionaries saw, but knew no way, as peace men, to avert it.

THE GAYUSE WAR. 15

W. W. Kone and J. H. Frost of the latest Methodist re-
enforcement were sent to the mouth of the Columbia, and
settled on the Clatsop plains. Here the degradation of the
natives was such that the spirits of the missionaries re
volted. It was bad enough at The Dalles, where Mrs.
Perkins had interfered to prevent an Indian boy slave
from being bound to the corpse of his master, to die of
horror, in order that he might accompany the chief to the
spirit world memelose illahee. But at Clatsop the Indians
were, in addition to the degradation of superstitions,
utterly corrupted. Frost relates that the health of the
people was destroyed by syphilis, and their number rapidly
decreasing. In addition, infanticide was common. When
Mrs. Frost asked the Indian women why they killed their
children, they answered that they could not take care of
them and perform besides all the labor exacted of them
by their husbands, who beat them if they failed. Like
the interior tribes, they were ready enough to be converted
if there was anything to be gained by it, and their excit
able natures found relief in the exercises of an animated
prayer meeting, with singing, of which they were fond ; as
their ill-clad and ill-fed bodies found comfort in the forced
hospitality of the mission house, the floor of which was
often at night covered with the poor wretches.

These Indians were not much feared. It was true they
sometimes committed a murder, but so do white men; and
the crime was promptly punished in their case by the fur
company. Had they not been held in dread of hanging,
it might have been worse for their teachers.

In 1842 a mission site selected in the vicinity of Puget
Sound and Fort Nisqualiy the previous year, was aban
doned, and the missionary, J. P. Richmond, returned east.
The Indians in the region were more warlike than those
on the Columbia, but the reason given for leaving the
country was that it was not fit for farming.

From all these facts, selected only to show the condition
of Oregon west of the Cascades when the first immigration
arrived, the following conclusions may be drawn:

16 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

First. That the United States, while refraining from
openly violating treaty obligations, was encouraging the
people of the older communities to possess themselves of
the Oregon territory, and hold it for the government, or at
least to maintain the balance of power between itself and
the English government.

Second. That the reports sent at every opportunity by
missionaries in western Oregon served to keep up that
interest among the people first awakened in congress by
discussions of the boundary question ; that their presence
in Oregon enabled agents of the government to aid colon
ization; and that the government did secretly aid the
settlement of the country through the missions of western
Oregon.

Third. That the position of the mission settlements but
for the presence of the powerful British fur company would
have been most dangerous, and have required the estab
lishment of military stations in various parts of the country;
and that in its own interest the Hudson s Bay Company
must have protected the American settlers in order to keep
the Indians under control.

Fourth. That the missionaries of western Oregon were
not successful as religious teachers ; but were not averse to
becoming settlers, and were active in keeping alive the
rivalry between the two governments by frequently memo
rializing congress upon what they named the aggressions
of the Hudson s Bay Company; and by setting forth their
own loyalty to the government of the United States, and
their desire to have it extended over them.

Fifth. That the arrival of White s party marked the
close of active missionary effort, and inaugurated that of
open colonization by the people of the United States;
hence, that to the Methodist missionaries and their friends
in Washington and elsewhere was due the Americanization
of the Wallamet valley, and the inaugural movement
towards a provisional government in Oregon, with all
that it implied.

CHAPTER II.

PRESBYTERIAN MISSIONS IN OREGON DR. WHITMAN H. H. SPALDING A. B. SMITH
W. H. GRAY, CORNELIUS ROGERS DR. PARKER S MISSION TO OREGON HEROIC
WOMEN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FLATHEADS, CAYUSES, WALLA WALLAS, AND
NEZ PERCES BONNEVILLE S PRESENT PROM A CAYUSE THEIR RELIGIOUS OB
SERVANCES --TAUGHT BY PAMBRUN MISSIONARIES UNABLE TO UNDERSTAND THE
INDIANS THEIR DEMANDS SPALDING S TROUBLES THE FATE OF HAT ATTI
TUDE OF ELLIS EFFORTS AT AGRICULTURE MRS. SPALDING CHEMEKANE MISSIOK
CATHOLIC INFLUENCE BLANCHET AND DEMERS THE ROOT OF THE TROUBLES
WITH THE INDIANS CAYUSES ASSAULT DR. WHITMAN ASSISTANTS REFUSE TO
REMAIN AT THE MISSION GRAY S INDISCRETION TROUBLES OF SPALDING DE
MANDS OF THE HOME BOARD ORDER TO DISCONTINUE WAIILATPU AND LAPWAI
MISSIONS ARRIVAL OF WHITE S IMMIGRANT PARTY WHITMAN S PLANS, AND His
SUDDEN JOURNEY EAST OREGON AFFAIRS IN CONGRESS WHITMAN S BILL, AND
WHAT IT ASKED FOR THE FAILURE OF His MISSION TO THE EAST CONCLUSIONS.

BESIDES the Methodist missions, there were north of the
Columbia river and east of the Cascades mountains several
Presbyterian missions, founded in 1836, 1837, and 1838.
These were under the superintendency of Dr. Marcus
Whitman, and supported by the American board of com
missioners for foreign missions. Dr. Whitman was settled
among the Cayuses in the Walla Walla valley, twenty-five
miles from Fort Walla Walla of the Hudson s Bay Com
pany. Rev. H. H. Spalding was stationed among the Nez
Perces, eighty miles east of the superintendent, on the
Clearwater river, at a place called Lapwai; and a third
station on a branch of the Spokane river, about forty
miles from Fort Colville of the Hudson s Bay Company,
was in charge of Elkanah Walker and Gushing Eells, who
had charge of the Spokane Indians. A fourth station was
selected among the upper Nez Perces, about sixty miles
northeast of Lapwai, which was put in charge of A. B.
Smith. Each of these missionaries had a wife, who assisted
him in teaching. There was, besides, a lay member, also
married, attached to the missions from the first &gt;W. H.
Gray, whose work on the early history of Oregon is well
known; also an unmarried man, Cornelius Rogers; and

18 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

from time to time several independent missionaries gave
temporary aid to these widely scattered missions.

Unlike the Methodists, the Presbyterians abstained from
politics, and had no complaints to make to the home gov
ernment of the tyranny and aggressions of the Hudson s
Bay Company; or, if they ever felt in any way aggrieved,
it does not appear in their correspondence with the home
board. They had a different class of Indians to deal with
from those in the Wallamet and lower Columbia valleys
more intelligent, more imperious, and for both these rea-

Isons, more dangerous as well as more interesting. To keep
the peace with the Cayuses had on some occasions required
all the tact and influence of the fur company.

Allied to them were the Walla Wallas and the Nez
Perces, the latter being a large and powerful tribe, of a
better temper than their more southern relatives, who
boasted of their compact of friendship with Lewis and
Clarke, and of having always kept it.

In 1835 Rev. Samuel Parker of Ithaca, New York, and
Dr. Marcus Whitman traveled together to the Rocky
mountains, escorted by the American Fur Company, where,
meeting the Flatheads and Nez Perces, they became con
vinced of their desire for teachers, and Whitman returned
to the states to bring out assistants, only finding, however,
Miss Narcissa Prentiss of Prattsburg, New York, whom he
.married, Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, and Mr. Gray, who could
be induced to join him at that time, and who journeyed
with him to the Columbia river in 1836, where they were
received literally with open arms 1 by the gentlemen of the
Hudson s Bay Company at Fort Walla Walla and Fort
Vancouver, their unconscious heroism in undertaking a
land journey of thousands of miles, in company with
mountain men, to live among savages in order to teach
them, being appreciated by these gentlemen as it was not
at that^time by the missionaries themselves.

1 Mrs. Whitman wrote her mother that Mr. Pambrun, then in charge of Fort
Walla Walla, lifted her from her saddle with the tenderness of a father.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 19

Before proceeding with this history, it might be well to
inquire into the characteristics of the people concerned in
it previous to the introduction of Protestantism among
them, because it would be unjust to both parties to rep
resent the Indians as in a wholly untaught state when the
missionaries of the Presbyterian church came among them.
On the contrary they had what might be called a national
religion.

Recent writers have seldom made sufficient distinction
between the Flatheads and the Nez Perces. From Lewis
and Clarke we learn that they were originally the same
people, although their dialect had come to differ, as
well as their habits. The Flatheads lived in the Bitter
Root valley, and occupied the country northwest and
westward to the Blackfoot river. Their territory shaded
off into the Nez Perces country, and they very much
resembled the upper Nez Perces. Both received stran
gers cordially, when satisfied they were not foes; but
while the Flatheads were brave, determined, and honest,
the Nez Percys were of a weaker character, and would
steal and beg. In dress, they resembled each other. The
men wore buffalo or elk-skin robes, ornamented with beads.
Bits of sea shells, chiefly mother of pearl, were worn at
tached to an otter-skin collar, and hung in the hair, which
was plaited in two braids falling in front. They also wore
feathers in the hair, and used paint .of several colors on
their persons. The women wore a skirt of ibex-skin
reaching to their ankles, and festooned with shells and
other ornaments, but did not wear ornaments on the head.
As to food, the Nez Perces were very poor, and very much
disinclined to part with a morsel. Nevertheless, such was
their love of ornaments, that by selling the buttons off
their coats, empty medicine phials, and empty boxes, the
first explorers were able to purchase a scanty supply of
provisions from them.

Lewis and Clarke, on coming among the Cayuses, found
them famishing, so that they greedily picked the bones

20 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

and ate the refuse meat thrown away by Lewis and Clarke s
party. They were also despicable beggars. Captain Bonne-
ville, of a later date, relates an anecdote of being enter
tained by a Cay use chief, who presented him with a
handsome horse, for which he returned a rifle, thinking
the chief well paid. But the donor of the horse brought
his wrinkled old wife with, "This is my wife she is a
good wife I love her very much she loves the horse a
great deal will cry to lose him I do not know how I
shall comfort her that makes my heart sore." The cap
tain remembered some ear-bobs, and made the old dame
young with delight. The chief then brought his son, "A
very good son a great horseman he took care of the
fine horse he loves him like a brother his heart will
be heavy when he leaves the camp." Again the captain
bethought himself of a hatchet to reward the youth s vir
tues. Then the chief, "This rifle shall be my great medi
cine I will hug it to my heart, and love it for the sake of
my friend, the bald-headed chief. But a rifle by itself is
dumb I cannot make it speak. If I had a little powder
and ball I would take it out with me, and would now and
then shoot a deer; and when I brought it home to my
happy family I would say, This was killed by the rifle of
my friend, the bald-headed chief, to whom I gave that fine
horse. " It is unnecessary to add that the captain, after
handing over powder and ball, fled.

Speaking of the moral characteristics of the Flatheads
and ISIez Perces, Bonneville says that they exhibited strong
and peculiar feelings of natural religion, and that it was
"not a mere superstitious fear like that of most savages
they evince abstract notions of morality, a deep reverence
for an over-ruling spirit, and a respect for the rights of
their fellow men. They (the Flatheads) hold that the
Great Spirit is displeased with all nations who wantonly
engage in war; they abstain from all aggressive hostilities.
But though, thus unoffending in their policy, they are
called upon continually to wage defensive warfare, espe-

THE CAY USE WAR. 21

cially with the Blackfeet, with whom, in the course of their
hunting expeditions, they coine in frequent collision, and
have desperate battles. Their conduct as warriors is with
out fear or reproach, and they never can be driven to
abandon their hunting grounds." He added that they
believed in dreams, charms, and a charmed life.

In spite of their opposition to wanton warfare, they were
not averse to some practice in the art of war. "War,"
they said, "is -a bloody business, and full of evil, but it
keeps the eyes of the chiefs always open, and makes the
limbs of the young men strong and supple. In war, every
one is on the alert. If we see a trail we know it must be
an enemy; if the Blackfeet come to us we know it is for
war, and we are ready. Peace, on the other hand, sounds
no alarm; the eyes of the chiefs are closed in sleep, and
the young men are sleek and lazy. The horses stray into
the mountains; the women and their little babes go about
alone. But the heart of a Blackfoot is a lie, and his tongue
is a trap. If he says peace, it is to deceive. He comes as
a brother: he smokes his pipe with us; but when he sees
us weak and off our guard, he will slay and steal. We
will have no such peace; let there be war!"

Wyeth gave the Flatheads equal, or even greater praise,
saying he had never known an instance of theft among
them, neither quarreling nor lying; that they were brave
when put to the test, and more than a match for the
Blackfeet. What is here said of the moral character of
the Flatheads, applied, with the exception already made,
to the Nez Perces; especially to the upper division of that
tribe. Concerning the religious feeling of these Indians,
the early American traders remarked upon their observ
ance of the Sabbath, to which Bonneville adds: "We must
observe, however, in qualification of the sanctity of the
Sabbath in the wilderness, that these tribes, who are all
ardently addicted to gambling and horse-racing, make
Sunday a peculiar day for recreations of this kind, not
deeming them in any way out of season."

22 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

This Sabbath observance, and other religious forms
greatly surprised travelers among these tribes, namely, the
Flatheads, Nez Perces, and Cay uses. Dr. Parker found in
it a mystery also. But the explanation is simple. Says
Bonneville: " Mr. Pambrun informed me that he had been
at some pains to introduce the Christian religion, in the
Roman Catholic form, among them, where it had evidently
taken root, but had become altered and modified to suit
their peculiar habits of thought, and motives of action,
retaining, however, the principal points of faith, and its
entire precepts of morality. The same gentleman had
given to them a code of laws, to which they conformed
with scrupulous fidelity. Polygamy, which once prevailed
among them to a great extent, was now rarely indulged in.
All the crimes denounced by the Christian faith met with
severe punishment. Even theft, so venial a crime among
the Indians, had recently been punished with hanging, by
sentence of a chief."

Bonneville, speaking of the Cayuses, says: "They will
not raise their camp on that day, unless in extreme cases
of danger or hunger; neither will they hunt, nor fish, nor
trade, nor perform any kind of labor on that day. A part
of it is passed in prayer and religious ceremonies. Some
chief, who is at the same time what is called a medicine
man, assembles the community. After invoking blessings
from the Deity, he addresses the assemblage, exhorting
them to good conduct; to be diligent in providing for
their families; to abstain from lying and stealing; to avoid
quarreling or cheating in their play, and to be just and
hospitable to all strangers who may be among them.
Prayers and exhortations are also made early in the morn
ing on week days. 2 Sometimes all this is done by the
chief from horseback, moving slowly about the camp with
his hat on, and uttering his exhortations with aloud voice.

-Farnham, in his Travels, speaks admiringly of these morning devotions as he
saw them practiced near Whitman s station in 1839; but he took it for granted that
it came from the teachings of the missionaries at that station.

THE CAY USE WAR. 23

On all occasions the bystanders listen with profound atten
tion, and at the end of every sentence respond one word in
unison, apparently equivalent to an amen. While these
prayers or exhortations are going on, every employment in
the camp is suspended. If an Indian is riding by the
place, he dismounts, holds his horse, and attends with
reverence until all is done. When the chief has finished
his prayer or exhortation, he says I have done/ upon
which there is a general exclamation in unison." He
says further: "Besides Sunday, they observe all the car
dinal holidays of the Roman Catholic church," but that
with them they mixed some of their pagan ceremonials,
such as dancing and singing.

Townsend, in his Narrative, expresses much interest in
these Indians on account of their desire for instruction in
religious matters, and evidently is at a loss to discover the
motive for to ascribe a spiritual motive to the savage
would be childish. The greater intelligence of a few
tribes of Indians is difficult to account for, especially when
in contact with degenerate tribes like the Walla Wallas
and the Indians of the Columbia. But their motive in
adopting any innovation is the same as the white man s.
It is because it is to his material advantage. When it-
ceases to be that, there is danger of a too sudden and
serious revolt.

It was impossible that the missionaries should under
stand at once how to deal with a people so different from
any of whom they had any experience. For the first year
all was smooth sailing. The Indians at Whitman s and
Spalding s stations were pleased with the idea of becoming
wise like their teachers. But it was not long before they
found they had not understood each other. The mission
aries had to work, and wanted the Indians to do so; but
the masculine side of savagery scorns work, leaving it to
his female relatives. The gentlemen of the Hudson s Bay
Company did not labor. Naturally their savage serfs en
tertained contempt for white men who condescended to

24 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

do what servants ought to do, and were not able to make
allowance for the poverty of missionary societies.

An indiscreet remark of Dr. Parker s on his visit to
them was also the occasion of much trouble. Dr. Parker,
they said, had told them that their land should not be
taken for nothing, but that they should be paid annually
in goods and agricultural implements, that being "the
American fashion."

A year had not elapsed before a chief known as Splitted
Lip ordered Dr. Whitman off the land he had taken to
cultivate on the Walla Walla river, because he had not
paid for it. In 1838, the same chief threatened the doctor
with death should he fail to cure his wife, whom he was
treating for some sickness. It would seem that Dr. Whit
man thought these threats idle, or that the protection of
the Hudson s Bay Company would suffice, for he went on
teaching, assisted by Mrs. Whitman, and at the same time
improving his farm.

In the autumn of that year Gray s return from the
states, whither he had gone to procure more workers for
the missionary field, having with him a wife and seven
other persons, men and women, a small company, indeed,
was the occasion of fresh trouble.

When Gray started for the states in 1837 he took with
him a band of Indian horses to exchange for cattle, which
were much needed. To aid him Mr. Spalding persuaded
three young chiefs of the upper Nez Perces to accompany
him, namely, Ellis, Blue Cloak, and Hat. By ,the time
they had reached the rendezvous of the fur companies on
Green river, their horses feet had begun to fail, and two of
them turned back, Hat only continuing on. When Ellis
and Blue Cloak presented themselves at Lapwai mission.
Mr. Spalding, who was an excitable man and felt much
anxiety for the success of the expedition, reproached the
young chiefs severely, and declared they deserved punish
ment for breaking their contract, and leaving Gray in the
middle of his journey with insufficient help.

THE GAYUSE WAR. 25

It was the custom of the Hudson s Bay Company when
the Indians committed any offense not amounting to a seri
ous crime, to demand pay for it; or, if pay was not forth
coming, to require their chiefs to have them whipped
the culprits receiving their chastisement with little sense
of degradation. This custom was adopted, it would seem,
by Mr. Spalding, who assessed the delinquents a horse
each for their breach of faith, which was refused.

Ellis, who had a large following, was able to avoid the
penalty imposed on him, no one venturing to arrest him.
Blue Cloak, however, one evening appeared at prayer meet
ing unattended, when Mr. Spalding ordered some Indian
pupils present to take and tie him. No one obeying, at
last a young Nez Perces chief arose in wrath, seized Blue
Cloak, bound him, and turning to Spalding said, " Now
whip him." "No," said Spalding, "I do not whip; I com
mand: God does not whip, he commands." "You are a
liar," returned the young chief indignantly. "Look at
your picture (a water-color sketch hanging on the wall,
designed by Mrs. Spalding to illustrate bible teachings).
You have there painted two men, and God behind them
with a bundle of rods to whip them. Whip him, or we
will put you in his place and whip you." Mr. Spalding
yielded, punished Blue Cloak, and received the horse he
had exacted, which discipline restored quiet for a time.

In 1838, when Gray returned from the states, and it was
learned that Hat, the chief who had accompanied him,
had perished, together with four other Indians, in an
attack made upon Gray s party by the Sioux at Ash
Hollow, a great excitement was aroused by it among the
followers of Ellis. That chief accused Mr. Spalding of
designing the death of all three of Gray s Nez Perces aids.
He had the mission family at Lapwai confined in their
house for more than a month, during which time Mr.
Pambrun sent a messenger several times to induce the Nez
Perces to restore them their liberty, explaining to them
tli at Gray could not have foreseen or prevented the attack

26 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

upon his escort, and was in no way responsible. They
were finally persuaded to accept presents and release their
captives.

But this was not the end of the early troubles at the
Presbyterian missions. A. B. Smith, the year after his
arrival with Gray s party, was sent to establish a mission
upon Ellis land at Kamiah, east of Lapwai. To do this
he had permission, but was forbidden to cultivate the
land. After being at Kamiah one year, Smith made some
preparations to till a small field, but Ellis reminded him
that he had been warned not to do so. " Do you not
know," he asked, "what has been told you, that you would
be digging a hole in which you should be buried?" At
this he desisted, but the following year made another
attempt, and was again reminded, when he made no more
such efforts. In 1841 he left the country for the Sandwich
Islands, having during his residence in Oregon writlen a
grammar of the Nez Perces language, which was printed on
a press brought from Honolulu, together with a hymn
book, and primers to be used in the schools.

Why it was that Spalding was permitted to cultivate
does not appear, unless it was that he was able to convince
the Indians by actual test that it was good for them to be
able to raise food, and save themselves the trouble of
taking long journeys every summer to procure game, roots,
and berries. At all events he seems to have been very
successful, and his reports upon the fertility of the country
compare well with those written at a much later period.
He presented those whom he could induce to cultivate,
with hoes and ploughs a present going a long way
toward convincing an Indian that your word can be
trusted.

Mrs. Spalding was a balance wheel in the missionary
machinery. Her quiet devotion to duty, her kindliness
and firmness, made a real impression upon the Nez Perces,
the women looking upon her as their true friend, whose
wisdom the} 7 never questioned. She taught them house-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 27

work, sewing, spinning, and cookery, all of which they
learned readily when they chose.

Farnham, who visited Waiilatpu in 1839, was struck
with admiration of the superintendent s work, both as
teacher and farmer, and greatly impressed by the appar
ently devotional character of the Cayuses as exhibited in
some of the chief families, who were regular in their
attendance upon public worship, and morning and evening
devotions in their lodges.

At the Spokane mission of Chemekane there was less
improvement, and somewhat less anxiety. In 1839 one of
the teachers at that station wrote, "The failure of this
mission is so strongly impressed upon my mind that I feel
it necessary to have cane in hand, and as much as one
shoe on, ready for a move. I see nothing but the power
of God that can save us." Yet the Spokaues were esteemed
more tractable than the Cayuses. When the mission
house was burned in the winter of 1839-40, they offered
their assistance, and refrained from pillage. But not
knowing what their course might be, the Hudson s bay
gentlemen at Colville came down with their servants, and
camped near, to afford their protection.

As early as 1838 an element of discord of a nature
different from those already mentioned, was introduced
into the missionary life in Oregon. This was a period in
church history, when Catholicism and Protestantism were
in a state of active hostility to each other. The mere
presence of a Catholic priest in the neighborhood of
Waiilatpu was like a pestilence in the air, threatening
the welfare of every member of the missions. The same
feeling existed in western Oregon, with this difference
that the natives there were so contemptible that their souls
were not worth saving, and their bodies too insignificant
to be feared.

But in the upper country, inhabited by powerful and
numerous tribes, religious antipathy and intolerance were
likely to occasion disorders of a dangerous nature, partic-

28 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

ularly as neither party was able conscientiously to yield
to the other, but bound by duty to combat the contrary
opinion with all the zeal that was in it. Dr. Whitman
could readily see that the ceremonials of the Catholic faith
must prove attractive to the childish minds of savages,
who were likely to turn away from the lessons of an aus
tere religion to the delights of bells and beads.

Hence, when Rev. F. N. Blanchet and Rev. Modeste
Demers came overland from Canada in 1838, making a
brief pause at Walla Walla to hold a " mission " among the
French Canadians, and to baptize all the natives whom
they could reach into the holy mother church, the super-
erintendent of the Presbyterian missions was filled with
anxiety, and not without reason. The more ignorant peo
ple are, the more bitter are their prejudices, and rancorous
their animosities. A religious schism among Indians was
therefore to be feared, and if possible avoided.

Dr. Whitman had before him a fine example of religious
toleration in the head of the Hudson s Bay Company, who
received and listened to protestant missionaries of whatever
sect visiting Vancouver, whom he also aided in various
ways by courtesies and by contributions. He and all his
officers and dependants were friends of Dr. Whitman.
Pambrun, to whom they were indebted for many kind
nesses, was a French Canadian arid a Catholic. Mr. Mc-
Kinlay, Pambrun s successor at Fort Walla Walla, was a
Presbyterian, and a warm friend of Dr. Whitman, but not
more so than Pambrun. The Canadian servants of the
company were Catholics, but they never refused friendly
aid and neighborly kindness to the Methodists or Presby
terians. And 3 T et Dr. Whitman was alarmed, with some
reason we musj admit, considering that he lived ever over
a mine of savagery that needed but a match to touch it off.

The Catholic fathers taught their converts to say a few
simple prayers, and gave them a picture called the " Cath
olic Ladder," explanatory of the principal points of their
faith; that was all. Mr. Spalding opposed to the "Catholic

THE CAYUSE WAR. 29

Ladder" a picture representing two roads towards heaven
one wide, where the Pope was selling indulgences, and
at the end of which the purchasers were seen falling head
foremost into hell; the other so narrow that few could
follow it, but supposed to lead to bliss.

This now seems puerile, but in that time was thought a
worth} 7 means of bringing savages to practice the religion
of Jesus Christ, by Catholics and Protestants. The Pres
byterians often argued with the Indians, as it was the
fashion of the churches to hold doctrinal arguments among
its members a fashion most unwisely followed among a
people whose understandings led them to literal construc
tions, or to strange subtleties, rather than to spiritual
insight.

But the root of the troubles between the missionaries
and the natives was not at any time in their religious
differences, which was really a side issue capable of being
turned to account, but which was never used except in
simple competition, and which alone need never have
endangered the peace of the country.

The real cause of ill feeling between the Indians and
their Protestant teachers was the continued misunder
standing concerning the ownership of land, and the accu
mulation of property. The promise of Dr. Parker had
never been redeemed. No one had appeared to purchase
the lands occupied by the missions, nor had any ships
arrived laden with Indian goods and farming implements
for their benefit.

Doubtless Dr. Parker, when he made the promise, was
thinking of the hoped for settlement of the Oregon bound
ary question, and the speedy extinguishment of the Indian
title to the country which would folio w,*in order that
congress might carry out the plan of populating it by
offering liberal donations of land to emigrants. But this
we have seen had not taken place, while every year a few
more Americans arrived and remained in the country, and
without paying for their lands.

30 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

In the meantime, the very favorable view which was
first held by the Presbyterians of the generous character
of the Indians had faded out. We find Spalding saying
that "I have no evidence to suppose but a vast majority
of them would look on with indifference and see our
dwelling burned to the ground, and our heads severed
from our bodies." Smith at Kamiah, and Walker and
Eells at Chemekane thought the natives professed religion
to secure presents, which not being forthcoming they
were hostile; and all agreed as to their untruthfulness.

In 1840 the Cayuses destroyed Dr. Whitman s irrigating
ditches, and allowed their horses to damage the grain in
the mission field. This was done out of malice, the
Indians having been taught enough about farming to be
perfectly aware of the mischief they were causing to the
doctor s crops. When he angrily reproved them they
threw mud upon him, plucked his beard, pulled his ears,
threatened him with a gun, arid offered to strike him a
blow with an axe, which he avoided.

These demonstrations alarmed the doctor s friend, Mc-
Kinlay of Fort Walla Walla, who counseled him to leave
the country for a time at least, saying that the Indians
would repent when they no longer had him, and want
him back again. But he feared to abandon his place,
which would probably be destroyed ; and the chief, Splitted
Lip, who instigated the attack on him, dying that year, he
hoped for relief from the persecutions he had suffered.
Besides, he had determined, as he said, "never to show the
white feather."

In 1841 W. H. Gray struck an Indian boy, probably a
well-deserved blow, and his uncle, who was the chief on
whose lands the mission of Waiilatpu was built. Tilou-
kaikt, a haughty and ill-tempered savage, struck Whit
man in revenge, pulling his nose, and committing other
outrages, which the doctor bore without any signs of fear.
McKinlay, to punish them, refused to hire their horses as
agreed, to take the Red-river immigrants to The Dalles,

THE CAYUSE WAR. 31

unless the chief and all implicated in the assault should
beg the doctor s pardon, which they consented to do.

Hearing of these things prevented some missionaries at
the Sandwich Islands from joining the Oregon missions,
and prevented the board from sending more across the
continent. The Indian boys were mischievous and thiev
ing, and carried off the best fruits raised in the mission
garden, which troublesomeness inspired Gray to sicken
them with a dose of ipecac introduced into the finest
looking melons. The illness induced by the drug caused
the Indians to accuse the missionaries of designing to
poison them, and incited them to fresh acts of hostility.

These experiences at Waiilatpu were duplicated at Lap-
wai, where the Nez Perces pulled down Spalding s mill,
threatened him with a gun, and offered a gross insult to
Mrs. Spalding. These were things hard to be borne; but
both Whitman and Spalding were determined to keep their
hold upon the homes they had built up in the wilderness
under so many difficulties, until such time as the govern
ment of the United States should come to their rescue.

Added to his other trials, Dr. Whitman was worried by
demands from the home board that the Oregon missions
should be made self-supporting, a thing which could not
happen while he had so few assistants, and where there was
no market for any productions. He could barely subsist
his family by raising and grinding grain enough ; and by
eating horse flesh in place of beef. He could not purchase
groceries, clothing, machinery, nor other necessaries, and
so he told the board and that if they wished him to turn*
trader they must furnish him assistants and means, and
even then wait for a market to come to him, as the Metho
dist missionaries and Hudson s Bay Company controlled
the trade of the country.

To all this the board finally returned in 1842 that Dr.
Whitman must abandon the Cayuse station and join
Walker and Eells in the Spokane country; and Spalding

32 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

must return to the states, leaving the ungrateful Cayuses
and Nez Perces without teachers.

Now, this was what these gentlemen were resolved not
to do. From their point of view it was unwise to abandon
good homes, at a period when it seemed most likely that
the government was about to settle the question of the
Oregon boundary, and immediately after of course, as they
believed, to acquire title by treaty to the Indian lands, out
of which the first settlers were to receive large donations.
If only they could keep the peace a little longer!

It was just at this painful juncture in mission affairs
that Dr. White arrived at Waiilatpu with his immigrant
party of 1842. He spent two days at the station, and we
can imagine how eagerly Dr. Whitman questioned him,
and how hopefully he heard what White had to relate,
which confirmed his belief that if he could hold on a little
longer he need neither abandon the Cayuses nor his home.
If men in authority at Washington had asked White to
start the emigration movement, and given him an office,
the first delegated authority bestowed on any one in this
Northwest, could he not also accomplish something for
the country, the missions, and himself by going to Wash
ington and Boston? If he was to do this, it must be now
or never, for orders to vacate had been issued, and they
must be obeyed, or a good reason given for the failure.

He felt able, if he could see the board personally, to
present a strong case. He could show them now, since
immigration had begun, that Waiilatpu and Lapwai could
be made important supply stations on the road to the
Wallamet valley, and thus self-supporting; that fifty
Christian families settled about him would be an example
to the Indians, and give aid and protection to him, while
a few more teachers among the Indians would help him
greatly to maintain control of the native children, and
through them of their parents.

To politicians he would say, "Hold on to the country
north as well as south of the Columbia; it is a fine coun-

THE GAYUSE WAR. 33

try for grazing, and raises good crops where irrigated.
He meant to ask some friends of Oregon in Washington
to get an appropriation for erecting military stations in
the Indian country, and he had thought that if he could
obtain a grant of money to buy sheep to be given to the
Indians as a reward for good conduct and a food supply,
so that they might not have to go to the buffalo country
for meat, it would have a tendency to give them more set
tled habits, and incline them more towards civilization.

With these mixed motives, and feeling driven by the
exigencies of the situation, Dr. Whitman determined to
start for the states as soon as he could find some one to
take charge of his station. Rogers and Gray had deserted
him, and he was forced to write for William Geiger, u
Presbyterian, who had been employed in the Methodist
mission school in the Wallamet, to come to Waiilatpu and
remain during his absence.

These matters arranged, he was finally ready for his
journey, and aided by his friend McKinlay, set out Octo
ber 3, 1842, for the east via Fort Hall, Uintah, Taos, Fort
Bent, and Santa Fe, at which point A. L. Lovejoy, his only
traveling companion, besides his guides, remained, while
Whitman joined a trading company going to St. Louis,
where he arrived in the month of March, having manfully
borne the hardships of a winter journey seldom performed
in that day even by mountain men.

On reaching the frontier Dr. Whitman found that a
treaty with Great Britain had been negotiated between our
secretary of state, Daniel Webster, and the British pleni
potentiary, Lord Asbburton, and confirmed by the high
contracting parties seven months before his arrival, but
that it did not in any way affect the Oregon question,
leaving it where it had been before.

He found also that the Linn land bill had passed the
senate a few weeks previous, and been defeated in the
house. But so sure had its passage been regarded by the
people that a large number of immigrants were ready to

84 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

start for Oregon with their families, cattle, and household
goods; and had appointed a rendezvous in western Missouri
from which to march as soon as the grass should be suf
ficiently high to subsist their stock. With some of these
people he talked in passing, and gave them instruction as
to the route, and the best means of traveling and encamp
ing. He found the secretary of war in his last report had
recommended a line of military posts with the object of
impressing the Indians on the Pacific coast with the
strength of the United States, and also to afford protection
to the Americans in that region. The secretary went
further, and recommended making an appropriation to
send out a colony to settle in Oregon. He found petitions
pouring into congress from Iowa, Missouri, Illinois, In
diana, Ohio, Kentucky, and Alabama, insisting upon the
occupation of Oregon. He found, in short, little left for
him to propose or advocate in Oregon matters, for the
subject was one more written and talked about than any
other at that time.

It appears from a letter preserved in the war department,
that while Dr. Whitman was in Washington he had a con
ference with the secretary of war, Hon. James M. Porter,
and that he was requested by Porter to frame such a bill
as would be for the best interests of Oregon. This he did
after his return home in the autumn of 1843, but it was
never introduced in congress, and remained forever a dead
letter.

This bill asked for the establishment of "a chain of agri
cultural posts or farming "stations" from the Missouri to
the Wallamet river in Oregon, with regulations for their
management. Their avowed object was to set the example
of civilized industry to the Indians; to suppress lawless
ness on the frontier; to facilitate the passage of troops and
munitions of war, and the transportation of mails.

It will be observed that the bill makes no mention of the
necessities of emigrants, but in a letter accompanying it,
Dr. Whitman dilates upon the benefits to travelers not only

THE CAYUSE WAli. 35

of protection from Indian aggression, but of being supplied
with vegetable food while en route?

These documents, which have only been brought to light
after nearly half a century of lying perdu, serve to confirm
reports concerning his troubles with the Cayuses, and his
anxiety for protection.

It was said by persons about Fort Walla Walla, that Dr.
Whitman, in his vexation with the Indians, before leaving
for the states, threatened them with bringing back many
people to chastise them. This threat has been denied by
his friends as not consistent with his character as a mis
sionary; but the tone of his letter and bill of 1843 are en-

3 In reading the following letter and bill, it should be borne in mind that they
were written after the doctor had been east, had learned the then political prospects
of Oregon, and had traveled months in company with intelligent western men, with
whom he talked freely, and to whom, according to their evidence, he never disclosed
any political motive in going east. What he wanted both before and after going east,
it is fair to assume, is set down in these documents, which are interesting as a part
of the early history of Oregon, and as an indication of the character and motives of
their author. They were received at Washington, June 22, 1844, probably forwarded
by the Hudson s Bay Company s annual express via Montreal of that year. Nothing
in either of these documents shows any political motive for Dr. Whitman s visit east ;
but the second paragraph of his letter, in which he says the government will learn
through him of the emigration of one thousand persons, shows a singular want in
him of a knowledge of the facts, the government keeping a sharp lookout, as well
as tlie newspapers of the day :

To the Hon. James M. Porter, Secretary of War :

SIR : In compliance with the request you did me the honor to make last winter
while at Washington, I herewith transmit to you the synopsis of a bill, which, if it
could be adopted, would according to my experience and observation prove highly
conducive to the best interests of the United States generally, to Oregon, where I
have resided for more than seven years as a missionary, and to the Indian tribes that
inhabit the intermediate country.

The government will now doubtless for the first time be apprised through you,
and by means of this communication, of the immense migration of families to Ore
gon, which has taken place this year. I have since our interview been instrumental
in piloting across the route described in the accompanying bill, and which is the
only eligible wagon road, no less than families, consisting of one thousand per
sons of both sexes, with their wagons, amounting in all to more than one hundred
and twenty, six hundred and ninety -four oxen, and seven hundred and seventy-three
loose cattle.

The emigrants are from different states, but principally from Missouri, Arkan
sas, Illinois, and New York. The majority of them are farmers, lured by the pros
pects of government bounty in lands, by the reported fertility of the soil, and by the
desire to be first among those who are planting our institutions on the Pacific coast.
Among them are artisans of every trade, comprising with fanrers the very best ma
terial for a new colony. As pioneers, these people have undergone incredible hard
ships, and having now safely passed the Blue mountain range with their wagons
and effects, have established a durable road from Missouri to Oregon, which will

36 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

tirely consistent with such a proposition; his whole thought
seeming to be how to repel Indian aggressions. Whatever
admiration he had at first felt for the aboriginal character
had been completely effaced by his experiences among
them. Why then did he insist that the board should not
recall him from the country, except that it was with him
as with the Methodist missionaries, that the settler in him
was stronger than the missionary as missionaries were
at that period understood to be.

To his disappointment the American board of commis
sioners for foreign missions had no stomach for territorial
conquest or Indian subjugation. They reprimanded him

serve to mark permanently the route for larger numbers each succeeding year, while
they have practically demonstrated that wagons drawn by horses or oxen can cross
the Rocky mountains to the Columbia river country, contrary to all the sinister
assertions of all those who pretended it to be impossible.

In their slow progress these persons have encountered, as in all former instances
and as all succeeding emigrants must if this or some similar bill be not passed by.
congress, the continual fear of Indian aggression, the actual loss through them of
horses, cattle, and other property, and the great labor of transporting an adequate
amount of provisions for so long a journey. The bill herewith proposed would, in a,
great measure, lessen these inconveniences by the establishment of posts, which,
while [having] the possessed power to keep the Indians in check, thus doing away
with the necessity of military vigilance on the part of the traveler by day and night,
would be able to lurnish them in transit with fresh supplies of provisions, diminish
ing the original burdens of the emigrants, and finding thus a ready and profitable mar
ket for their produce a market that would, in my opinion, more than suffice to
defray all the current expenses of such posts. The present party is supposed to have
expended no less than two thousand dollars at Laramie s and Bridger s forts and as
much more at Fort Hall and Fort Boise, two of the Hudson s Bay Company s stations.
These are at present the only stopping places in a journey of two thousand two hun
dred miles, and the only places where additional supplies can be obtained, even at
the enormous rates of charge called mountain prices ; i. e., fifty dollars the hundred
for flour and fifty dollars the hundred for coffee ; the same for sugar, powder, etc.

Many cases of sickness and some deaths took place among those who accom
plished the journey this season, owing in a great measure to the uninterrupted use
of meat, salt and fresh, with flour, which constituted the chief articles of food they
are able to convey in their wagons, and this would be obviated by the vegetable pro.
ductions, which the posts in contemplation could very profitably afford them. Those
who rely on hunting as an auxiliary support are at present unable to have their
arms repaired when out of order ; horses and oxen become tender footed and require
to be shod on this long journey, sometimes repeatedly, and the wagons repaired in a
variety of ways. I mention these as valuable incidents to the proposed measure, as
it will also be found to tend in many other incidental ways to benefit the migratory
population of the United States, choosing to take this direction, and on these ac
counts as well as for the immediate use of the posts themselves, they ought to be pro
vided with the necessary shops and mechanics, which would at the same time
exhibit the several branches of civilized art to the Indians.

The outlay, in the first instance, would be but trifling. Forts like those of the
Hudson s Bay Company, surrounded by walls inclosing all the buildings, and con-

THE CAY USE WAR. 37

for leaving his station on so useless an errand, refused to
pay his expenses, and left him to get back again as best
he could. It is very probable they were more or less
disgusted with him, these highly proper, clean-shaven,
decorous Presbyterians, for seven years spent among sav
ages, with every kind of farm labor to perform, could not
have given that finish to his manner which the Bostonians
"admired to see." So, they told him to go home and do
the best he could without their aid. This was his reward
for what he had endured for conscience sake for Dr.
Whitman was a thoroughly conscientious man where a
principle was in question.

structed almost entirely of adobe or sun-dried bricks, with stone foundations only,
can be easily and cheaply erected.

There are very eligible places for as many of these as the government will find nee.
essary, at suitable distances, not further than one or two hundred miles apart, at the
main crossing of the principal streams that now form impediments to the journey,
and consequently well supplied with water, having alluvial bottom lands of a rich
quality, and generally well wooded. If I might be allowed to suggest the best sites
for said posts, my personal knowledge and observation enable me to recommend,
first, the main crossing of the Kansas river, where a ferry would be very convenient
to the traveler, and profitable to the station having it in charge ; next, and about
eighty miles distant, the crossing of Blue river, where, in times of unusual freshet, a
ferry would be in like manner useful ; next, and distant from one hundred to one
and fifty miles, from, the last mentioned, the Little Blue, or Republican fork of the
Kansas ; next, and from sixty to one hundred miles distant from the last mentioned,
the point of intersection of the Platte river; next, and from one hundred to one
hundred and fifty miles distant from the last mentioned crossing of the South fork
of the Platte river ; next, and about one hundred and eighty or two hundred miles
distant from the last mentioned, Horseshoe creek, which is about forty miles west of
Laramie s fork in the Black Hills ; here is a fine creek for mills and irrigation, good
land for cultivation, fine pasturage, timber, and stone for building. Other locations
may be had along the Platte and Sweetwater, on the Green river, or Black s fork of
the Bear river, near the Great Soda Springs, near Fort Hall, and at suitable places
down to the Columbia. These localities are all of the best description, so situated as
to hold a ready intercourse with the Indians in their passage to and from the ordi
nary buffalo hunting grounds, and in themselves so well situated in all other respects
as to be desirable to private enterprise, if the usual advantages of trade existed.
Any of the farms above indicated would be deemed extremely valuable in the states.

The government cannot long overlook the importance of superintending the
savages that endanger this line of travel, and that are not yet in treaty with it. Some
of these are already well known to be led by desperate white men and mongrels, who
form bandits in the most difficult passes, and are at all times ready to cut oft 1 some
lagging emigrant in the rear of the party, or some adventurous one who may proceed
a few miles in advance, or at night to make a descent upon the sleeping camp and
carry away or kill horses and cattle. This is the case even now in the commence
ment of our western emigration, and when it comes to be more generally known
that large quantities of valuable property and considerable sums of money are yearly
carried over this desolate region, it is to be feared an organized banditti will be
instituted. The posts in contemplation would effectually counteract this ; for that

38 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

He went to his old home in central New York, sold what
ever property he had there, and started for Oregon once
more, in company with his nephew, a young lad, a riding
horse apiece, and a pack horse. It was characteristic of
the man. He always took these desperate chances. Pro
ceeding westward, he visited some relatives, and afterwards
one or two of the missions on the border. He was sent
for to address a meeting at the emigrant rendezvous in Mis
souri about the middle of May, but returned to Westport,
and did not overtake the emigration until it had reached
the Platte in June.

Dr. Whitman had wished to bring back with him some

purpose they need not nor ought not to be military establishments. The trading
posts in this country have never been of such a character, and yet, with very few
men in them, have for years kept the surrounding Indians in the most pacific dispo
sition, so that the traveler feels secure from molestation upon approaching Fort Lara-
mie, Bridger s Fort, Fort Hall, etc. The same can be obtained without any considerable
expenditure by government, while, by investing the officers in charge with compe
tent authority, all evil-disposed white men, refugees from justice, or discharged vag
abonds from the trading posts might be easily removed from among the Indians, and
sent to the appropriate states for trial. The Hudson s Bay Company s system of
rewards among the savages would soon enable the posts to root out these desperadoes.
A direct and friendly intercourse with all the tribes, even to the Pacific, might be
thus maintained, the government would become more intimately acquainted with
them, and they with the government, and instead of sending to the state courts a
manifestly guilty Indian to be arraigned before a distant tribunal and acquitted for
the want of testimony by the technicalities of lawyers and of laws unknown to
them, and sent back into the wilderness loaded with presents as an inducement to
further crime, the posts should be enabled to execute summary justice, as if tho
criminal had been already condemned by his tribe, because the tribe will be sure to
deliver up none but the party whom they know to be guilty. They will in that way
receive the trial of their peers, and secure within themselves, to all intents and pur
poses if not technically, the trial by jury, yet the spirit of that trial. There are
many powers which ought to reside in some person on this extended route for the
convenience and even necessity of the public.

In this the emigrant and the people of Oregon are no more interested than the
resident inhabitants of the states. At present no person is authorized to administer
an oath or legally attest a fact from the western line of Missouri to the Pacific. The
emigrant cannot dispose of his property at home, although an opportunity ever s
advantageous to him should occur after he passes the western border of Missouri.
No one can here make a legal demand and protest of a promissory note or bill of
exchange. No one can secure the valuable testimony of a mountaineer or of an
emigrating witness after he has entered this, at present, lawless country. Causes do
exist, and will continually arise, in which the private rights of citizens are and will
be seriously prejudiced by such an utter absence of legal authority. A contraband
trade from Mexico, the introduction from that country of liquors to be sold among
the Indians west of the Kansas river, is already carried on with the mountain trap
pers, and very soon the teas, silks, nankeens, spices, camphor, and opium of the East
Indies will find their way, duty free, through Oregon, across the mountains and into
the states unless custom-house officers along this line find an interest in intercepting
them.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 39

" Christian families to settle in the vicinity of the different
stations." But in that he was disappointed. These families
could not be induced to take the risks he was taking, and
he talked freely with some of his fellow travelers to Oregon
of his want of success, and fears of the consequences. Out
of the whole immigration of nearly eight hundred persons,
only one family, and one unmarried man, were persuaded
to remain at Lapwai, while not one person consented to
give him their assistance at Waiilatpu.

This circumstance probably had a quieting effect upon
the Indians, as no more of their lands were taken ; but
they still complained that the missionaries traded with

Your familiarity with the government policy, duties, and interest renders it un
necessary for rne to more than hint at the several objects intended by the enclosed
bill, and any enlargement upon the topics here suggested as inducements to its
adoption would be quite superfluous, if not impertinent. The very existence of
such a system as the one above recommended suggests the utility of postoffices and
mail arrangements, which it is the wish of all who now live in Oregon to have
granted them, and I need only add that contracts for this purpose will be readily
taken at reasonable rates for transporting the mail across from Missouri to the mouth
of the Columbia in forty days, with fresh horses at each of the contemplated posts.
The ruling policy proposed regards the Indians as the police of the country, who are
to be relied upon to keep the peace, not only for themselves, but to repel lawless
white men and prevent banditti, under the solitary guidance of the superintendent
of the several posts, aided by a well-directed system to induce the punishment of
crime. It will only be after the failure of these means to procure the delivery or
punishment of violent, lawless, and savage acts of aggression, that a band or tribe
should be regarded as conspirators against the peace, or punished accordingly by
force of arms.

Hoping that these suggestions may meet your approbation, and conduce to the
future interest of our growing country, I have the honor to be, honorable sir,
Your obedient servant,

MARCUS WHITMAN.

Copy of a proposed bill prepared by Dr. Marcus Whitman in
1843, and sent to the secretary of war.

A bill to promote safe intercourse with the territory of Oregon, to suppress violent
acts of aggression on the part of certain Indian tribes west of the Indian terri
tory, Neocho, better to protect the revenue, for. the transportation of the mail,
and for other purposes.

Section 1. Be it enacted by tlie senate and house of representatives of the United States
of America in congress assembled, that from and after the passage of this act there shall
be established at suitable distances, and in convenient and proper places to be
selected by the president, a chain of agricultural posts or farming stations, extending
at intervals from the present most usual crossing of the Kansas river, west of the
western boundary of the state of Missouri, thence ascending the Platte river on its
southern border, thence through the valley of the Bweetwater river to Fort Hall, and
thence to settlements of the Willamette in the territory of Oregon. Which said posts
shall have for their object to set examples of civilized industry to the several Indian

40 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON.

the immigrants, acquiring wealth, while they, the owners
of the land, remained as poor as before.

Again, from the above facts, we may draw these conclu
sions :

First. That with the purest intentions, and with the
best religious ideas of the times, the Presbyterian mission
aries of the upper country found it impossible to implant
spiritual religion in the minds of the aboriginal inhabitants
of earth.

Second. That the influence of the contact with savagery
was to unspiritualize themselves; to drive out of their
minds confidence in the power of religion to change the

tribes, to keep them in proper subjection to the laws of the United States, to suppress
violent and lawless acts along the said line of frontier, to facilitate the passage of
troops and munitions of war into and out of the said territory of Oregon, and the
transportation of the mail as hereinafter provided.

Section 2. And be it further enacted, that there shall reside at each of the said
posts one superintendent having charge thereof, with full power to carry into effect
the provisions of this act, subject always to such instructions as the president may
impose; one deputy superintendent to act in like manner in case of the death,
removal, or absence of the superintendent, and such other artificers and laborers, not
exceeding twenty in number, as the said superintendent may deem necessary for the
conduct and safety of said posts, all of whom shall be subject to his appointment and
liable to removal.

Section 3. And be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of the president to
cause to be erected at each of the said posts, suitable buildings for the purpose herein
contemplated, to wit: One main dwelling-house, one storehouse, one blacksmith s
and gunsmith s shop, and one carpenter shop, with such and so many other buildings
for storing the products and supplies of the said posts as he may from time to time
deem expedient ; to supply the same with all necessary implements of mechanical
art and agricultural labor incident thereto, and with all such other articles as he
may judge requisite and proper for the safety, defense, and comfort thereof; to
cause the said posts in his discretion to be visited by detachments of the troops
stationed on the western frontier; to suppress through the said posts the sale of muni
tions of war to the Indian tribes in case of hostilities, and annually to lay before
congress at its general session, full returns, verified by the oaths of the several super
intendents of the several acts by them performed, and of the condition of the said
posts, with the income and expenditures growing out of the same respectively.

Section 4. And be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall be
appointed by the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, for
the term of four years, with a salary of two thousand dollars, payable out of any
moneys in the treasury not otherwise appropriated ; that they shall respectively take
an oath before the district judge of the United States for the western district of
Missouri faithfully to discharge the duties imposed on them in and by the provisions
of this act, and give a bond to the president of the United States, and to his successors
in office and assigns, with sufficient security to be approved by the said judge in at
least the penalty of twenty-five thousand dollars, conditioned to indemnify the
president, his successors, or assigns, for any unlawful acts by them performed, or
injuries committed by virtue of their offices, which said bonds may at any time be
assigned for prosecution against the said respective superintendents and their sure

THE CAY USE WAR. 41

nature of men in a low stage of their mental evolution.

Third. That the change this discovery made in them
selves, being perceived by the Indians, was a cause of dis
pleasure to them, and of danger to the missionaries.

Fourth. That the delay of the governments of Great
Britain and the United States to settle the Oregon bound
ary greatly increased this danger by preventing an un
derstanding between our government and the Indians
concerning property in lands; rendering it also impolitic
to send troops among them before our sovereignty had
been acknowledged by the only power disputing it.

These circumstances left the defense of the loyal Ameri-

ties upon application to the said judge at the instance of the United States district
attorney or of any private party aggrieved.

Section 5. And be it further enacted, that it shall be the duty of said superin
tendents to cause the soil adjacent to said posts, in extent not exceeding six hun
dred and forty acres to be cultivated in a farmer-like manner, and to produce such
articles of culture as in their judgment shall be deemed to be most profitable and
available for the maintenance of said posts, for the supply of the troops and other
government agents which may from time to time resort thereto, and to render the
products aforesaid adequate to defraying all the expenses of labor in and about
said posts, and the salary of the said deputy superintendent, without resort to the
treasury of the United States, remitting to the secretary of the treasury yearly a
sworn statement of the same, with the surplus moneys, if any there shall be.

Section 6. And be it further enacted, that the said several superintendents of
posts shall, ex officio, be superintendents of Indian affairs west of the Indian terri
tory, Neocho, subordinate to and under the full control of the commissioner-general
of Indian affairs at Washington. That they shall, by virtue of their offices, be con
servators of the peace, with full powers to the extent hereinafter prescribed, in all
cases of crimes and misdemeanors, whether committed by citizens of the United
States, or by Indians within the frontier line aforesaid. That they shall have power
to administer oaths, to be valid in the several courts of the United States, to perpet
uate testimoney to be used in said courts, to take acknowledgements of deeds and
other specialties in writing, to take the probate of wills and the testaments executed
upon the said frontier of which the testators shall have died in transit between the
state of Missouri and the territory of Oregon, and to do and certify all notarial acts,
and to perform the ceremony of marriage, with as legal effect as if the said several
acts above enumerated had been performed by the magistrates of any of the states
having power to perform the service. That they shall have power to arrest and
remove from the line aforesaid all disorderly white persons, and all persons exciting
the Indians to hostilities, and to surrender up all fugitives from justice upon the
requisition of the governor of any of the states; that they shall have power to de
mand of the several tribes within the said frontier line, the surrender of any Indian
or Indians committing acts in contradiction of the laws of the United States, and in
case of such surrender, to inilict punishment thereon, according to the tenor and
effect of said laws, without further trial, presuming such offending Indian or Indians
to have received the trial and condemnation of the tribe to which he or they may
belong; to intercept and seize all articles of contraband trade, whether introduced
into their jurisdiction in violation of the acts imposing duties or imports, or of the
acts to regulate trade and intercourse with the several Indian tribes ; to transmit the

42 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

cans holding it, to be performed by themselves. It left,
in 1842, two mission colonies, and a few poor settlers,
numbering altogether not more than two hundred and
seventy, including children, and the party of immigrants
who came with White, to contend in case of an Indian
war, with many thousands of savages surrounding them
on every side. To add to the apprehensions of the Amer
icans, was a doubt in their minds as to which side, in case
of a race war. would be taken by the foreigners in the
country the free Canadians and the Hudson s Bay
Company.

same to the marshal of the western district of Missouri, together with the proofs
necessary for the confiscation thereof, and in every such case the superintendent
shall be entitled to and receive one-half the sale value of the said confiscated arti
cles, and the other half be disposed of as in like cases arising under the existing
revenue laws.

Section 7. And be it further enacted, that the several superintendents shall have
and keep to their several posts seals of office for the legal authentication of their
public acts herein enumerated, and that the said seals shall have as a device the
spread-eagle, with the words, "U. S. Superintendency of the Frontier," engraved
thereon.

Section 8. And be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall be en
titled, in addition to the salary hereinbefore granted, the following perquisites and
lees of office, to wit : For the acknowledgment of all deeds and specialties, the sum
of one dollar ; for the administration of all oaths, twenty-five cents ; for the authen
tication of all copies of written instruments, one dollar ; for the perpetuation of all
testimony to be used in the United States courts, by the folio, fifty cents ; for the
probate of all wills and testaments, by the folio, fifty cents ; for all other writing done
by the folio, fifty cents ; for solemnizing marriages, two dollars, including the certifi
cate to be given to the parties; for the surrender of fugitives from justice, in addi
tion to the necessary costs and expenses of arrest and detention, which shall be
verified to the demanding governor by the affidavit of the superintendent, ten
dollars.

Section 9. And be it further enacted, that the said superintendents shall, by
virtue of their offices, be postmasters at the several stations for which they are ap
pointed, and as such shall be required to facilitate the transportation of the mail to
and from the territory of Oregon and the nearest postoffice within the state of Mis
souri, subject to all the regulations of the postoffice department, and with all the
immunities and privileges of the postmasters in the several states, except that no
additional compensation shall be allowed for such services ; and it is hereby made
the duty of the postmaster-general to cause proposals to be issued for the transporta
tion of the mail along the Inei of said posts to and from the said territory within six
months after the passage of this act.

Section 10. And be it further enacted, that the sum of thousand dollars be

and the same is hereby appropriated out of any moneys in the treasury, not other
wise appropriated, for the purpose of carrying into effect the several provisions of
this act. Walla Walla Daily Union- Journal, August 10, 1891.

CHAPTER III.

DR. WHITE CALLED TO THE CAYUSE COUNTRY DISTURBANCES AMONG THE INDIANS
PERSONNEL OF THE PARTY WHITE S POLICY COUNCIL WITH NEZ PERCES
SPEECHES OF WHITE, MCKINLAY, ROGERS, AND MCKAY REPLIES OF FIVE CROWS,
BLOODY CHIEF DR. WHITE S CODE ITS ACCEPTANCE ELECTION OF A HIGH
CHIEF ADVICE TO THE &lt;NEZ PERCES SPALDING S REPORT TALK OF THE CAY-
USES A COUNCIL APPOINTED RETURN OF WHITE TO THE DALLES TROUBLE AT
CLATSOP FRESH ALARMS IN THE SPRING OF 1843 BREWER S LETTER WHITE S
EMBARRASSMENT MEMORIAL AGAINST DR. MCLOUGHLIN HOAV HE REPAID THE
MEMORIALISTS COMPLAINTS OF THE DALLES INDIANS WHITE PROCEEDS TO WAII-
LATPU EFFECT OF HIS VISIT THE CAYUSES SHOW HIM THEIR FARMS AN EX
TRAORDINARY CAVALCADE PERKINS VISITS TO TAUITOWE S CAMP WHITE GOES
TOLAPWAI NEZ PERCES RECEIVED INTO THE CHURCH JOSEPH WELCOMES ELLIS
EFFECT ON THEIR GUESTS LAWYER THE NEZ PERCES ACCOMPANY WHITE TO
WAIILATPU GRAND RECEPTION COUNCIL SPEECHES OF THE CHIEFS LAWS AC
CEPTEDWHITE RETURNS TO THE DALLES TO TEACH THE INDIANS MRS. WHIT
MAN LEAVES WAIILATPU.

IN THE foregoing chapters we have presented to us the
stage, and the dramatis persons on which, and by whom,
was enacted the great tragedy of colonial Oregon, and
have been given a view of its gradual unfolding. From
this point the story proceeds more rapidly.

Up 1o the time that Dr. White returned from the states
invested with the authority of a sub-agent of Indian
affairs in Oregon, and before Dr. Whitman had taken his
departure for the east, there had been enacted no other
hostilities than those above narrated; trifling if viewed in
the light of actual warfare, yet of a threatening nature
when the circumstances of the white inhabitants and the
characteristics of the natives were considered.

The colonists in the Wallamet valley, glad to be recog
nized as belonging to the United States, even by the un
warranted commissioning of a nondescript government
officer, were proceeding to the discussion of steps towards
a political organization, when they were startled by intel
ligence from Fort Vancouver that the Cayuses had become
openly hostile, having entered the mission-house at mid-

(43)

44 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

night, and proceeded to the chamber of Mrs. Whitman,
who escaped out of their hands only .by the timely aid of
Mr. Geiger. A few days later the mission flouring-mill
was burned down, and a large quantity of grain destroyed.
Mrs. Whitman had been compelled to take refuge with the
Methodist families at The Dalles, which place she reached
by the kindness of the Hudson s Bay Company at Fort
Walla Walla, accompanied by Geiger.

The Nez Perces also had insulted and ordered out of
her house Mrs. Spalding at Lapwai; and after stealing-
Mr. Spalding s horse, had pointed a gun at, and further
menaced him.

These were acts of an unmistakable character, and Dr.
White felt called upon to exhibit the authority in him
vested. He secured the services of Thomas McKay, a
noted leader of the Hudson s Bay Company s trading
parties, and much respected as well as feared by the
Indians, with six other picked men, to go to the scene of
the disturbances. To this party were added Cornelius
Rogers, late of Waiilatpu, and Baptiste Dorion, as inter
preters. They were also joined by Mr. and Mrs. Little-
john, who wished to go to the aid of the Spaldings at
Lapwai, as they had agreed to do before Dr. Whitman s
departure. At The Dalles it was thought best for Mrs.
Littlejohn to remain until the temper of the Indians
became better known; but Mr. Geiger accompanied the
excursion to look after the mission property at Waiilatpu.

It was already the sixteenth of November when the ex
pedition set out from Vancouver. Owing to adverse winds
on the Columbia it did not reach The Dalles until the
twenty-fourth, where it made a short stay to procure
horses, arriving at Waiilatpu, after having been joined at
Walla Walla fort by Mr. McKinlay, on the first day of
December. The Cayuses appeared shy, evidently unable
to believe that this small party was all whom the a^ent of
the United States had brought with him into a hostile
country, and fearing a surprise. White took little notice

THE GAYUSE WAR. 45

of them, but proceeded to Lapwai, where he arrived on the
third, and had to wait for the upper Nez Perces, to whom
a courier had been sent, to meet him. In the meantime
he visited the chiefs in the vicinity, and the school,
adroitly expressing surprise at the advancement of the
pupils in reading and writing. " Next day," he says, " I
visited their little plantations, rude, to be sure, but success
fully carried on, so far as raising the necessaries of life
were concerned; and it was most gratifying to witness
their fondness and care for their little herds ; pigs, poultry,
etc."

Dr. White possessed some qualities which eminently
fitted him to deal with Indians, as well as white men,
among which was suavity of manner, and a desire to please
as well as to be pleased. Accordingly, when the chiefs of
the Nez Perces were assembled to the number of twenty-
two, with a large number of their people, all giving a grave
attention to his words, he stated the object of his visit, and
that he had been sent by the great chief (president of the
United States), to assure them of the kind intentions of
his government, and the sad consequences that would
ensue to any white man, from that time, who should
invade their rights by stealing, murder, or selling them
damaged goods, or alcohol. "Without threatening," he
says, "I gave them to understand how highly Mr. and
Mrs. Spalding were prized by the numerous whites, and
with what pleasure the great chief gave them a paper
(passport) to encourage them to come here to teach them
what they were now so diligently employed in obtaining,
in order that their children might become good, wise, and
happy."

McKinlay addressed them briefly, alluding to his several
years residence among them, and the good understanding
that had existed between the Hudson s Bay Company and
themselves, and assured them that all the white people,
whether Boston, King George, or French (Indian designa
tions for Americans, English, and Canadians) were one, as

46 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the Nez Perces and ( -ayuses were one in their interests and
affections. This hint that the Hudson s Bay people would
not approve of any abuse of the missionaries, was softened
by praise of their unexpected advancement in arts and
sciences, as shown by their farms and schools.

Then came Mr. Rogers who had done so much for them
in helping to shape their written language, and who was
a favorite with the Nez Perces. He reminded them of the
good accomplished, and carefully brought them to remem
ber the unhappy consequences which had followed a
rupture between the United States and the tribes east of
the mountains, exhorting them to be reasonable and
accept such measures as were for their advancement.

McKay reserved his remarks to the last, knowing that
his mixed blood would appeal strongly to his auditors.
He reminded them of the tragedy of the Tonquin, whereby
he was left an orphan, since which time he had for many
years constantly traveled through and mixed with the
Oregon tribes; had mingled in their bloody wars with the
Blackfoot Indians, and had enjoyed their seasons of peace;
had suffered the pangs of hunger with them, and enjoyed
their feasts and sports, until weary at last he had retired
upon his plantation in the Wallamet valley, and was as
one dead. But he was aroused by the call of his white
brother, and now was again in their midst, and was glad.
He had come at the bidding of the great chief whose
children were more numerous than the stars of heaven or
the leaves of the forest. "Will you hear what he says?"
asked the orator, his tall figure and dark impassioned
face tense with meaning. "You will! Your wonderful
improvement in the arts and sciences prove you are no
fools. Surely you will hear; but if disposed to close your
ears and stop them, they will be torn wide open, and you.
will be made to hear."

A proposition appears to have been made in reference
to the choosing of a high chief, the other chiefs to be his
aids in carrying out his commands. It is not easy to un-

THE CAY USE WAIL 47

derstand the action of McKinlay and McKay in supporting
this measure, as the policy of the Hudson s Bay Company
had been to destroy the chieftainships, thus to lessen the
danger from combined action among the Indians. They
may have seen that the rivalry that would be called into
play would be an effectual check on combination, or they
may have feared to injure White s influence by objecting.

After an impressive silence, Five Crows of the Umatilla
branch of the Cayuses, a wealthy chief about forty-five
years of age, and dressed in English fashion, arose apolo
gizing for doing so on account of his youth when compared
with other chiefs present, saying he had hopes of better
days before him, seeing the white men united in the
matter; his people had much wanted something, they
hardly knew what, and had been groping in darkness; but
here was something: Should they accept it?

After Five Crows, the oldest of the Nez Perces, the
Bloody Chief, who had been high chief of his tribe when
Lewis and Clarke explored the country, arose and referred
to the friendship between him and the first white men who
had visited this region. U I showed them," said he, "my
many wounds received in battle with the Snakes; they
told me it was not good; it was better to be at peace; gave
me a flag of truce; 1 I held it up high; we met and talked,
but never fought again. Clarke pointed to this day, to
you, and this occasion. We have long waited in expecta
tion. We sent three of our sons to Red-river school to
prepare for it. Two of them sleep with their fathers; the
other is here, and can be ears, mouth, arid pen for us. I
can say no more. I am quickly tired; my voice and limbs
tremble. I am glad I live to see you this day, but I shall
soon be still and quiet in death."

Following this speech, which was affecting from its sim
plicity and pathos, several of the younger chiefs spoke,

is undoubtedly an error of the interpreter s. Lewis and Clarke gave this
chief a United States flag, explaining to him its meaning. Hence, he says, "I held
it up high." He was called Twisted Hair by the explorers.

48 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

after which there was an adjournment of three hours to
allow them to deliberate among themselves. On reassem
bling White alluded to some of the offenses committed by
the young men, and not sanctioned by the chiefs or old
men, as he hoped; but, where the chiefs had done wrong,
he attributed it to a misunderstanding of what they had
been taught, or other mitigating causes. He then advised
them to choose a high chief; and that all the chiefs should
have a bodyguard to execute the laws. The code prepared
by him was then presented for adoption, as follows:

Article 1. Whoever wilfully takes life shall be hung.

Article 2. Whoever burns a dwelling shall be hung.

Article 3. Whoever burns an outbuilding shall be im
prisoned six months, receive fifty lashes, and pay all dam
ages.

Article 4. Whoever carelessly burns a house, or any
property, shall pay damages.

Article 5. If any one enter a dwelling, without per
mission of the occupant, the chiefs shall punish him as
they think proper. Public rooms are excepted.

Article 6. If any one steal, he shall pay back two-fold;
and if it be the value of a beaver skin or less, he shall
receive twenty-five lashes; and if the value is over a beaver
skin, he shall pay back two-fold, and receive fifty lashes.

Article 7. If any one take a horse and ride it without
permission, or take any article and use it without liberty,
he shall pay for the use of it, and receive from twenty to
fifty lashes, as the chief shall direct.

Article 8. If any one enter a field and injure the crops,
or throw down the fence so that cattle or horses go in and
do damage, he shall pay all damages, and receive twenty-
five lashes for every offense.

Article 9. Those only may keep dogs who travel or
live among the game. If a dog kill a lamb, calf, or any
domestic animal, the owner shall pay the damages and
kill the dog.

Article 10. If an Indian raise a gun or other weapon

THE CAYUtiE WAH. 49

against a white man, it shall be reported to the chiefs, and
they shall punish it. If a white man do the same to an
Indian, it shall be reported to Dr. White, and he shall
punish or redress it.

Article 11. If an Indian break these laws, he shall be
punished by his chiefs; if a white man break them, he
shall be reported to the agent, and punished at his instance.

To these -laws the Nez Perces gave their assent with
apparent willingness, even advocating making some of the
penalties more severe, and adding the dog law. The chiefs
were astute enough to see how much power it placed in
their hands, although each law had been framed for the
protection of the white race. But to find a man among
them willing to assume the responsibility, together with
the power, was not so easy as might have been expected.

The election was to be unanimous, and to be closed by
the next day at ten o clock, after which, if all should be
amicabb settled, a fat ox was to be slaughtered, and they
were to dine with the white chiefs. As a feast will settle
knotty questions in most quarters of the globe, so this one
in anticipation put the Nez Perces in high good humor,
and after referring many times to McKay and Rogers for
advice, very sparingly given, they made choice of Ellis, of
Kamiah, who was possessed of much influence among the
whole Nez Perce nation. This was the same Ellis who
started with Gray for the states, and whom Mr. Spalding
would have had whipped for deserting him. He was now
thirty-two years of age, and having been sent to school at
Red river, spoke and wrote English passably well, being
also the owner of a plantation, some sheep and neat stock,
and eleven hundred head of horses.

The election being announced the multitude partook of
fat beef, corn, aad pease to repletion, smoking afterwards
the friendly pipe until evening, when a special meeting of
the head men was called to consider the grievances of
which Mr. Spalding or the Indians had to complain. Ellis
throughout conducted himself in a sensible manner, and

50 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

these difficulties were disposed of. Finally, on the follow
ing day, another meeting was held, at which questions were
asked and answered with a view to enlightening the In
dians concerning the sentiments and laws of white people.

"I advised in many matters," says White, " especially in
reference to begging, or even receiving presents without in
some way returning an equivalent; pointed out in strong
language who beggars are among the whites, and how re
garded; and commended them for not once troubling me
during my stay with this disgusting practice; and as a
token of respect now, at the close of our long and happy
meeting, they would please accept, in the name of my
great chief, a present of fifty garden hoes, not for those in
authority, or such as had no need of them, but for the
chiefs and Mr. Spalding to distribute among their indus
trious poor."

Before leaving, White prepared some medicines to be
given the poor as they should be required; and exhorted
all to be in obedience to their chiefs, and to look upon Mr.
and Mrs. Spalding as their father and mother, reserving
all points of difference to be settled when he returned in
the spring. He was then escorted several miles upon his
way, when the chiefs parted from him in high good humor;
and Mr. Spalding afterwards wrote that the Nez Perces were
quiet during the winter ; so easy was it, apparently, for a
man with some tact to secure the good will and confidence
of these adult children.

A report sent to the sub-agent by Mr. Spalding in the
spring contains many interesting facts concerning the Nez
Perces at this time, in which he commended their industry
and quickness of intellect, though giving an unflattering
summing up of their moral characteristics as observed by
him in his intercourse with them ; but confesses that when
he attempts to hold it up as an exception to other nations
without the wholesome restraints of law, and strangers to
the influence of enlightened society, he is unable to do it.

Returning to Waiilatpu, Dr. White found awaiting- him

THE CAY USE WAR. 51

Tauitowe (sometimes called the young chief), head man
of the Cayuses on the Uinatilla, and brother of Five
Crows; and Feather Cap, belonging to Tiloukaikt s camp
at Waiilatpu, with a few other chiefs from the three prin
cipal Cayuse camps, the third of which was half way be
tween the two just mentioned, and governed by Camaspelo.
It was at once evident that much disaffection existed here,
which it would be difficult to cure, and White put forward
Rogers and McKay as better informed how to deal with
it than he. " They had not proceeded far," says White in
his report, "before Feather Cap, for the first time in his life,
so far as we know, commenced weeping, and wished to see
me ; said his heart was sick, and he could not live long as
he now felt." The cause of Feather Cap s tears was the
knowledge of his own guilt, the information that the Nez
Perces had accepted the laws, and the fear that the Cayuses
would do the same, when he would be in a bad case.
Tauitowe had at first no tears to shed, and he had some
charges to bring against the white race, three-fourths of
whom, he said, though teaching the purest doctrines, were
in practice bad men, an opinion founded upon what he
had observed among mountain men when he had been on
the buffalo hunt. He was shown that such examples did
not apply in the present instance, and finally admitted it,
and in a speech in which he related his troubles as high
chief, wept freely. He had flogged 2 his young men, and
reproved the middle-aged, until having none to sustain
him, his popularity had so declined he was "left alone to
say his payers and go to bed to weep over the follies and
wickedness of his people."

When Rogers and McKay had aroused the chiefs to
remorse, they were sent to Dr. White, who magnanimously
promised to refrain from punishing any but the actually
guilty. The settlement of the count against them the
offense against Mrs. Whitman and the destruction of Dr.
Whitman s property, was allowed to stand over until

-Flogging was a punishment first instituted by the Hudson s Bay Company.

52 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

spring, when a final adjustment would be made if a ma
jority of the principal men could be brought together by
the tenth of April. The Cayuses were then left to their
reflections.

At The Dalles, on returning, White held a four days
meeting with the Indians of Mr. Perkins mission, whom
he found in a state of great excitement, all kinds of rumors
being afloat among them of the intentions of the sub-agent
towards them, and having a well-founded conviction that
individually and collectively they had broken, and should
continue to break the white men s laws. But at the end
of the four days they were persuaded to accept the code,
and in the winter H. B. Brewer, farmer of The Dalles
mission, reported them living up to the regulations, and
cutting logs for houses. "For the least transgression of
the laws," wrote Brewer, "they are punished by their chiefs
immediately. The clean faces of some, and the tidy
dresses of others, show the good effects of your visit."

White had hardly reached the Wallamet before he was
called to Astoria to settle a difficulty created by a deserting
sailor from some vessel in the Columbia, who had insti
gated the Indians to threaten the life of one of the mission
aries at Clatsop. The man was arrested, and the matter
settled by the Hudson s Bay Company allowing him to be
sent out of the country in charge of one of their trading
parties.

Thus passed the winter of 1842-3, when in the spring a
fresh agitation disturbed the American colonists. Whether
justly or unjustly, Baptiste Dorion, son of that Madam
Dorion, celebrated in Irving s Astoria for her courage and
endurance in crossing the mountains and plains with
Hunt s party, was charged with being the incendiary
spirit who influenced the minds of the Indians with tales
of the intended seizure of their country by people from the
United States.

It seems that Dorion, who acted as one of White s inter
preters, remained in the upper countn r , and it may have

THE CAY USE WAR. 53

been quite true that he, with half-caste cunning and
suspicion, lit the smoldering fires in the haughty hearts of
the Cayuse chiefs and their allies, which threatened to
break out into a raging conflagration. But Hines, in his
Oregon, remarks upon other causes for discontent and sus
picion : " The fulfillment of the laws," he says, " which
the agent recommended for their adoption was required
by Ellis with the utmost vigor. Individuals were severely
punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had
been committed by the people with impunity. They saw
in the laws a deep laid scheme of the whites to destroy
them, and take possession of their country." This sus
picion received confirmation when they recollected that
Dr. White himself brought a large party into the country
with him; and by the threat of Dr. Whitman that he
would bring many people to punish them for their mis
deeds, a calamity they were looking forward to, at the end
of summer. So firm was their conviction, that many of
the Cayuses refused to cultivate their plantations in the
spring of 1843, and were full of suppressed excitement.

So much had their belief in the treachery of the white
people grown upon them during the winter that they pre
vailed upon the Walla Walla chief, Peu-peu-mox-mox
(Yellow Serpent), to visit Fort Vancouver, and ask advice
from the head of the Hudson s Bay Company. The reply
of Dr. McLoughlin was that he did not believe the Amer
icans intended to go to war, and that if they should do so
incredible a thing, the company would not support them in
it; and the chief returned comforted, after which the Cay-
uses began again to hoe their little gardens.

It appears that Dr. White did not keep his appointment
with the Nez Perces, probably for want of means; but
about the time he should have done so, such news was re
ceived from the upper country relative to the designs of
the Indians in that region that he was forced to make an
effort to go among them. According to Mr. Hines, the
Wall am et settlements were " thrown into a panic," the Cay-

54 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

uses, Nez Perces, and Waila Wallas having "threatened the
destruction of the whites." A letter was received from H-
K. W. Perkins of The Dalles, containing the information
furnished by the Walla Walla and Wascopum or Dalles
Indians, that all these tribes were much exasperated
against the white people on account of the belief that they
were corning to take away their lands; and it was stated
that the Nez Perces, during the winter, had dispatched one
of their chiefs on snowshoes, to visit the Indians east of
Fort Hall to incite them to cut off the party which Dr.
Whitman had told them he would bring back with him
"to settle the Nez Perces country;" and that a coalition
was forming for the destruction of the Americans not a
part of them only, but every one.

The terror of the Americans, thus, for the first time,
brought actually to face a danger they had before only
vaguely imagined, was very great. "In the estimation of
some," says Hines, " the Indians were to be upon us imme
diately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the
settlement would be attacked before morning. The plan
of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves,
under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of de
linquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use
either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of
ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at
the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to ex
ceed two days travel, for the purpose of defending the
settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. This plan
pleased some of the people, and they put down their names;
but many were much dissatisfied with it, and as we had
no authority, no law, no order, for the time being in the
country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result
if the Indians should attempt to carry their threats into
execution."

To increase the excitement, it was reported that the
Klikitats were collecting on that portion of the Wallamet
plains which now constitutes Washington county, and the

THE CAYUSE WAR. 55

people, about thirty families, residing there, were much
alarmed. A Calapooya chief also living near the Metho
dist mission, incensed because one of his people had been
Hogged, by order of Dr. White, for stealing a horse from
the missionaries and flour from the mill at Salem, had
gone away declaring he would return with a force to drive
away the Americans.

"The colony is indeed in a most defenseless condition,"
remarks Hines; "two hundred Indians divided into four
bands might destroy the whole settlement in one night."

White had no less than eight prisoners, white and red,
on his hands at this time, and the adjustment of these
affairs was occasioning no little trouble; but happily the
Indians in the vicinity of the settlements were more brawl
ers than fighters, and the dreaded outbreak was averted for
the time being.

On the twentieth of April, 1843, another letter was re
ceived from Mr. Brewer at The Dalles, stating that the
Indians in the interior still talked much of war between
themselves, and that the white people in their midst had
much to fear from their moocl. White then hastened to
keep his appointment made in December, in order, if pos
sible, to remove from their minds the excitement origi
nating in Dr. Whitman s promise, and confirmed, it was
said, by what Dr. White had told them in the council of
December this latter being by inference only.

But now the United States agent found himself in a
very delicate position. United States authority and the
national treasury were a long way off. No government of
any kind existed in Oregon; no force was there with which
to intimidate the Indians, should force be necessary; no
public funds to draw upon for presents to pacify the sus
picions of the Cayuses and Nez Perces; and to add to the
hopelessness of the situation, the settlers had just previ
ously dispatched to congress a memorial, charging the
Hudson s Bay Company in Oregon with every species of
tyranny and injustice towards the Americans, and particu-

56 INDIAN WABti OF OREGON.

larly accusing Dr. McLoughlin of intending to injure them.

Now, as in all their necessities past, or likely to come for
some time, the Hudson s Bay Company, governed by Dr.
McLoughlin, had been and still was an ever-present help
in time of trouble, this memorial was but a poor return
for kindnesses; but at this particular juncture of affairs it
seemed likely to prove a serious blunder, as Dr. McLough
lin was much incensed that such a document should be
laid before the congress of the United States, and in his
just wrath had declared he would extend no more favors to
its authors.

Dr. White did not consider that he came under the ban,
being neither an author or signer of the memorial he
was rather under the ban of his countrymen for not being
one or the other. He determined to try his persuasive
powers at Vancouver, 3 and accompanied by Rev. Gustavus
Hines, and G. W. Le Breton, an enthusiastic young Amer
ican, proceeded to that place on the twenty-filth, attended
only by one Indian boy, and one Kanaka, neither Cana
dians nor American colonists being found to undertake
the dangerous service. The former, it was alleged, and
with reason, were ordered by the Hudson s Bay Company
to remain quiet at home; while the latter found this
advice good as concerned themselves.

There being no roads in Oregon at this period, travel
was usually performed, in a leisurely manner, by canoe.
On the way the agent s party was met at two different
points by a courier with letters from Dr. McLoughlin, dis
couraging the undertaking. One enclosed a communica
tion from Rev. Demers, Catholic priest, just returned from

:i White s salary was seven hundred and fifty dollars, with the guaranty that when
Linn s bill passed it should be doubled ; and with verbal permission to draw upon
government funds to meet his necessary expenses. He had difficulty afterwards in
collecting for himself; and the board of management of the Hudson s Bay Company
found nobody in Washington to honor White s order. The London managers sar
castically informed the company in Oregon that they " did not understand govern
ment securities," arid advised them to "stick to their beaver skins." After several
years congress made an appropriation to discharge both obligations on account of
the Indian service in Oregon, and Wliite was given another appointment on the
Pacific coast.

THE CAY USE WAR. 57

a mission to the interior, who reiterated what was known
before, that the Indians were angry only with the " Boston r
people or Americans, who they had declared, should not
have their lands or take away their liberties. Such being
the truth beyond doubt, Dr. McLoughliii still urged the
policy of keeping away from them, and it was evident he
feared an uprising, so easily brought about by slight indis
cretions among these ignorant people.

But White and Hines kept on, arriving at Vancouver
on the evening of the twenty-eighth. Says Hines con
cerning what followed : " Called on Dr. McLoughlin for
goods, provisions, powder, balls, etc., for our accommoda
tion on our voyage up the Columbia, and though he was
greatly surprised that, under the circumstances, we should
think of going among these excited Indians, yet he ordered
his clerks to let us have whatever we wanted. However,
we found it rather squally at the fort, not so much on
account of our going among the Indians of the interior, as
in consequence of a certain memorial having been sent to
the United States congress implicating the conduct of Dr.
McLoughlin and the Hudson s Bay Company, and bearing
the signatures of seventy Americans. I inquired of the
doctor if he had refused to grant supplies to those Ameri
cans who had signed that document. He replied that he
had not, but that the authors of the memorial need expect
no more favors from him. Not being one of the authors,
but merely a signer of the petition, I did not come under
the ban of the company; consequently I obtained my out
fit for the expedition, though at first there were strong
indications that I would be refused."

Thus the Americans in Oregon were furnished with the
means of protecting themselves against the alleged hostile
influence of the company whose acts they continually
denounced in their memorials, furnished at a long credit
besides, and the risk of disturbing the company s relations
with the Indians and the home board, because Dr. Mc
Loughlin was too magnanimous to oppose himself to a

OP THE

58 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

helpless community, however undeserving his favor it
might be.

On the twenty-ninth Dr. White, Hines, and Le Breton
made a final start from Vancouver. At The Dalles, where
they arrived May fourth, they were met by delegates from
the tribes in that vicinity, who had accepted the laws in
the previous December. They complained that the high
chief elected, and his aids, had them punished for trifling
offenses, for doing what they had always been in the habit
of doing, and there had been broils among themselves in
consequence.

" Those appointed by Dr. White," says Hines, " were de
sirous that his regulations should continue, because they
placed the people under their absolute control, and gave
them the power to regulate all their intercourse with the
whites, and with the other Indian tribes. But the other
influential men who were not in office desired to know of
Dr. White of what benefit this whipping system was going
to be to them. They said they were willing it should con
tinue provided they were to receive shirts, and pants, and
blankets as a reward for being whipped. They had been
whipped a good many times and got nothing for it, and it
had done them no good. If this state of things was to
continue, it was all cultus. (good for nothing), and they
would throw it away. The doctor wished them to under
stand that they need not expect pay for being flogged
when they deserved it. They laughed at the idea and
separated."

From this it would appear that no more serious trouble
existed among these Indians than from their worthless
character might be expected at any time. But nothing
is more difficult than to learn the truth of an Indian
rumor. The difference between the stories told to White
present, and carried to White absent, was the difference be
tween a tragedy and a comedy.

The agent did not tarry long at The Dalles, but pro
ceeded next day on his journey, accompanied by Mr.

THE CAY USE WAR. 59

Perkins. Mrs. Whitman had returned to Waiilatpu a
month before with Mr. Geiger, thinking, perhaps, to re
assure the Cayuses by her presence in their midst, and was
anxiously looking for the agent.

The effect of the -appearance among them of so small a
party, who they knew must have been informed of their
threatened hostilities, was. to excite both admiration and
doubt in the minds of the Cayuses. It was difficult for
them to believe that there was not a large party concealed
somewhere near, which only waited for them to assemble
to rush upon them and cut them off at a blow. It did not
take long to learn that the young men of the tribe had
been in favor of raising a war party to go down to the
Wallamet and take the settlements by surprise. But the
older chiefs held them back by pointing out the lateness
of the season, and the depth of snow in the mountains.
They also added that it would be wiser to remain on the
defensive than to attempt to cut off all the white people
on their own ground ; and they recalled what Mr. McKln-
lay and McKay had said that in case of insurrection
there would be no difference of nationality between the
English, French, and Americans, but they would all stand
together. They fully expected, however, at one time, and
were still full of the suspicion that they would be com
pelled to go to war.

" On convincing them of my defenseless condition," says
White, "and pacific intentions, they were quite astounded
and much affected, assuring me they had been under
strong apprehensions, having learned I was soon to visit
them with a large armed party with hostile intentions, and
I actually found them suffering more from fears of war
from the whites, than the whites from (fear of) the In
dians."

This attitude of the Cayuses at this time is confirmed
by Hines also, who says, "They frequently remarked to
Mr. Geiger that they did not wish to go to war; but if the
Americans came to take a way their lands and make slaves

60 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

of them, they would fight so long as they had a drop of
blood to shed."

The agent s party felt much uneasiness in view of the
rumors that were afloat, on learning that seven hundred
Nez Perces, fully armed, were preparing to come to the
rendezvous of Waiilatpu; and it was feared that unless
the Cayuses should first have submitted to the regulations
offered, a quarrel might arise, which would terminate in
hostilities. To prevent such a catastrophe, an effort was
made to gain the consent of the Cayuses to hold a council
at once. But no arguments or persuasions availed any
thing they would hold no council without the presence
of their allies. So suspicious were they that they would
not at first accede to White s proposal to go himself to
Lapwai and hasten the arrival of the Nez Perces; and they
were right in thinking he had some other motive, for he
was anxious to learn the -temper of the Nez Perces before
allowing the two nations to meet.

There were also jealousies to be overcome, some fearing
Ellis, with his large following, might be used to subjugate
them. At the same time that a part of them insisted on
Ellis presence at a council, another faction opposed a
council on any terms whatever. Thus several days were
spent in studying the situation from all points of view.

During the period of parleying, the Cayuses invited Dr.
White and his party to make an excursion among their
plantations, and see what they had done, to which propo
sition the agent willingly acceded.

Hines has described, with some humor, Feather Cap, the
leader. He says he possessed a countenance extraordi
narily savage, but a dignified mein, and a voice of com
mand. He was dressed in skin breeches, a striped shirt,
which he wore over his breeches, and a scarlet coat
trimmed to imitate the uniform of a British general. On
his head was first a cotton handkerchief," thrown over
loosely; this was surmounted by an otter-skin cap, on top
of which was fastened the long hair of a white horse-tail,

THE CAYUSE WAR. 61

which hung in ringlets down his neck. Mr. Geiger, who
was a small man, was mounted on a donkey, also very
small and very antic, which gave the Indians much cause
for laughter. Mrs. Whitman accompanied them on horse
back, as did Mr. Perkins, whose legs were as long as
Geiger s were short. Two Indian women in calico dresses,
riding astride, one with a child before her, and three
Indian men, with Hines and White, completed the party.

The Indians were pleased to show their farms. They
realized that their condition as to food was vastly improved
over what it was when the first Americans visited them.
It was found that sixty Cay uses were cultivating each a
small piece of ground in wheat, corn, pease, and potatoes;
arid they were pleased to be commended for their industry.

Rather late in the day Mr. Perkins left the party to go
to the camps of Tauitowe and Five Crows, and also that of
Peu-peu-mox-mox, to invite them to a conference at
Waiilatpu. He spent the night at the lodge of the latter
dignitary, whose son Elijah Hedding had been for a time
in the Methodist mission school in the Wallamet valley.
The chief and the missionary had evening prayers together,
all the family joining in the exercises; and in the morning
Perkins was so early in the saddle that he surprised
Tauitowe in the act of calling his people together for the
daily religious service by ringing a bell. His prayer,
according to the report of Perkins, was, as he slipped his
beads, "We are poor, we are poor, we are poor," ten times,
closing with "Good Father, good son, good spirit," until
the beads were all counted a petition which meant as
much to the Indian as the long orations addressed to the
Infinite in thousands of enlightened pulpits.

The chiefs invited by Perkins declined to meet for the
purpose of considering the laws without the presence of
Ellis, whose approbation of any course they might pursue
appeared to be by them considered of the highest im
portance. Finding them immovable, White finally relin
quished the effort to have the Cayuses committed to the

62 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

adoption of the laws before being joined by the Nez Perces,
and, set out for Lapwai, as he told the Cayuses, to hasten
their coming, but really to gain from them a pledge to use
their influence for the laws with this people, or to stay at
home.

The agent and his party were warmly welcomed at Lap
wai by Mr. and Mrs. Spalding, and Mr. and Mrs. Littlejohn,
whom White had sent to the assistance of the mission dur
ing the winter. Ellis, who was at Kamiah, sixty miles
away, was sent for. Meanwhile the agent was informed
of the progress of the people in learning and religion.
Two hundred Indians attended religious services on Sun
day. Joseph, the second chief of the Nez Perces, had
already been received into the church ; also Timothy, an
other chief, and thirty others stood proposed for member
ship. Accordingly, Mr. Spalding determined to strengthen
the hands of the agent by receiving these into the church,
and on Sunday, May 14, 1843, the Presbyterian church
at Lapwai was augmented by thirty Nez Perce members.
At the end of three days, which were employed by White
in visiting the chiefs, and administering to the sick, it was
announced that Ellis, with his braves, was approaching,
and preparations made to receive the high chief with due
ceremony.

Joseph s band, seven hundred strong, was drawn up
with the agent s party in the center. On came Ellis men,
about equal in number, mounted on good horses decorated
with scarlet belts and headdresses, and when about fifty
rods apart, Ellis forces rushed forward with a roar of mus
ketry, the ear-piercing sound of the war-whistle, the beat
ing of drums, the horrible yelling of savages in attack,
the dashing to and fro on their mettlesome horses, while
the froth from their nostrils flew in the faces of their
pale-faced guests pale with a shock they were illy able
to conceal.

Says Hines: "The savage pomposity with which they
were caparisoned, and the frightful manner in which they

THE CAY USE WAR. 63

were daubed with paint, their fiery visages being striped
with red, black, white, and yellow, were all calculated not
only to inspire terror, but a dread of savage fury in the
mind of every beholder. At the very height of the ex
citement, when it appeared that the next whirl of the
savage cavalry would trample us all beneath their feet,
Ellis stretched himself up to his utmost height upon the
back of his splendid charger, and waving his hand over
the dark mass, all was quiet."

All then dismounted to shake hands with the agent and
his party, to whom they furnished horses to ride to a plain
where the ceremony of honoring a brave who had killed
twelve Blackfoot foes was to be performed. The honored
warrior occupied the center of a large circle, and recited
to an attentive audience the manner of killing each with
the same particularity that Homer celebrated the deeds of
his heroes, exhibiting the scalps and the arms taken.
Then followed a rehearsal of a recent battle with the
Blackfoot tribe, in which the Nez Perces were victorious,
after which a war dance was performed, conducted by a
chief called Lawyer, "in whom," says Hines, "is combined
the cunning and shrewdness of the Indian, with the ability
and penetration of the statesman."

Lawyer, like Ellis, had received the rudiments of an
English education at Red river. He was possessed of
remarkable shrewdness, and had from the first meeting
with the missionaries at the rendezvous of the fur compa
nies in the mountains in 1836, remained their friend, and
used his influence to quiet the Nez Perces in the vicinity
of Lapwai, where he had his home, whenever such influ
ence could be of advantage to them, and moreover to him
self. Though inferior in rank at this time, his power in
the tribe was nearly equal to that of Ellis.

It had been White s intention to prevent Ellis from
going down to Waiilatpu if possible, but on learning from
him that he would act in favor of a reception of the laws,
his objections were withdrawn; and a thousand horses

64 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

wore required to transport the escort of men, women, and
children which attended the agent on his return. Says
Hines, in speaking of the journey, "I was greatly sur
prised, in traveling through the Indian country, to find
that the outward forms of Christianity are observed in
almost every lodge. The Indians, generally, are nomi
nally Christians, and about equally divided betwixt the
Protestant and Catholic religions."

As the Nez Perces approached, the Cayuses formed in
ranks to receive them, the warriors of each nation in
front. When within a convenient distance, there was a
simultaneous rush forward "like two clouds meeting on a
height," followed by maneuvers similar to those witnessed
at Lapwai, the Indians working themselves into such a
state of excitement that the white spectators began to fear
a real engagement might result; and to give them time to
recover themselves, Mr. Spalding, who had accompanied
the Nez Perces, announced a prayer meeting at Dr. Whit
man s house. To this Dr. White repaired, followed by the
principal men, and quiet was restored.

Mr. Hines relates that Tauitowe came forward in a very
boisterous manner, inquiring "what all the disturbance
was for?" and implies that it was because he was a Cath
olic that he was incensed at the display made to receive a
Protestant chief. It was far more reasonable to believe
that Tauitowe s irritation was in consequence of a suspicion
justly founded indeed that Dr. White had brought all
these people to force the laws upon the Cayuses, by argu
ment if not vi et arm/is.

No council was called until the twenty-third, when the
chiefs met Dr. White and his party to hear what might be
said to them. It should be remembered that the only
written reports we have of the proceedings are those of the
United States agent, made to the government in terms
general, and n altering to his own success; and the story as
told by Mr. Hines, who expresses himself guardedly, but
who entertained at the time a feeling of scarcely concealed

THE CAYUSE WAE. 65

contempt for the as he regarded him intriguing United
States sub-Indian agent and would-be-governor of the
colony of which Hines was a member.

There is nothing to show that White was not as con
scientious in the discharge of his duties as any man would
have been in his place. At an early period in the history
of the Wallamet colony he had a quarrel with Jason Lee,
the superintendent of the mission, as he himself said, on
account of an honest difference of opinion as to the best
way of carrying forward the objects of the mission. The
quarrel was a bitter one, and he* resigned, the home board,
on his return to the states, disapproving of his leaving the
mission. But the superintendent had the more or less
cordial support of some of the most prominent men in the
colony, of whom Mr. Hines was one, a cause sufficient,
under the circumstances, to explain his attitude towards
the sub-Indian agent.

The council was called to order in a few grave words by
Tauitowe, and his speech being interpreted, the subject
that was uppermost in all minds began immediately to be
discussed. "They were told," says Hines, "that much had
been said about war, and we had come to assure them that
they had nothing to fear from that quarter," and the pres
ident of the United States had sent an agent only to regu
late their intercourse with his people. They were assured
that the government agent was not there to catch them in
a trap like beaver, but to do them good ; and that if they
would lay aside certain practices and prejudices, cease
quarreling, cultivate the ground, and adopt good laws,
they might become a great and happy people.

So far, so good. But they were also informed that they
were few in comparison with the white people; and that
in order to accomplish anything, they must be united
advice that was good for the Indians, but dangerous
for the colonists. The chiefs were counseled to culti
vate friendship towards each other, and to be considerate
towards their people; and the people were told to be

66 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

obedient to their chiefs, and remember them in their
morning and evening prayers. This too, was good talk,
but it did not touch the subject tying nearest the Cayuse
heart, which was: Would Dr. Whitman return with many
white people to take away their lands.

An invitation was extended to the chiefs to address the
meeting. Ellis declined, saying it would not be proper for
the Nez Perces to speak before the Cayuses had adopted
the laws thus signifying his desire that they should do
so and the Cayuses replied that they would see the laws
before adopting them.

Hines says : " A speech was then delivered to the young
men to impress them favorably with regard to the laws.
They were told they would soon take the places of the old
men, and they should be willing to act for the good of the
people; that they should not go here and there and spread
false reports about war; for that this had been the cause
of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed
among them during the winter."

Gray, in his History of Oregon, remarks that this state
ment was untrue; and so it was, not because it did riot
assign a sectarian cause for the disturbances, as he would
have done, but because it ignored the cause behind all,
and laid the blame upon one of its natural consequences.

When the laws had been read in the English and Nez
Perce languages, Yellow Serpent (Peu-peu-mox-mox)
arose. An Indian speech seldom is logical, seldom has
any beginning, middle or ending, but often touches of
unconscious eloquence or sharply pointed truths. The
oratory on this occasion was a fair example of aboriginal
rhetoric. Thus the Walla W^alla chief: "I have a mes
sage to you. Where are these laws from? I would I
might say they were from God. But I think they are
from the earth, because from what I know of white men
they do not honor these laws."

It was then explained to him that the laws were recog
nized by God and imposed on men in all civilized coun-

THE GAY USE WAR. 67

tries. With this Yellow Serpent professed to be satisfied,
saying that it was in accordance with such instructions as
he bad received from Others, adding that he was glad it
was so. because many of his people had been angry with
him when he whipped them for crime, and had told him
Clod would send him to hell for it, and he was glad to
know it was pleasing to God."

Tiloukaikt, on whose land Whitman lived, next spoke,
saying, impatiently, "What do you read 4 the laws for be
fore we take them? We do not take the laws because
Tauitowe says so. He is a Catholic, and as a people we
do not follow his worship."

To this Dr. White replied that his religious views had
nothing to do with the laws; that white people had differ
ent modes of worship while obeying the same laws an
entirely new idea to the Indians, who had only been given
religion as law.

Here a chief called The Prince arose. He had once
been a man of influence among the Cayuses, but having
been concerned in an effort to make Mr. Pambrun, in
charge of Fort Walla Walla, pay higher prices for furs
and horses, by seizing that gentleman, throwing him down,
and stamping on his breast, had been deposed by the Hud
son s Bay Company, and his power had dwindled to noth
ing. "I understand," said The Prince, "You gave us
liberty to examine every law all the words and lines
and as questions are asked about it, we should get a better
understanding of it. The people of this country have but
one mind about it. I have something to say, but perhaps
the people wall dispute me. As a body we have not had
an opportunity to consult; therefore you come to us as in
the wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no
point, and we cannot speak because we have no point

4 The word "read" here should undoubtedly be "receive." The sentence is
without sense otherwise. Tiloukaikt was a haughty Cayuse, and would not brook the
Walla Wallas taking precedence. He was also a thorough Presbyterian, on whom
Dr. Whitman had spent much time and labor, and as his speech betrayed, resented
any interference by Tauitowe, who was a Catholic. In this he copied his teachers
closely.

68 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

before us. The business before us is whole, like a body;
we have not dissected it. And perhaps you will say it is
out of place for me to speak, because I am not a great
chief. Once I had influence, but now I have but little."

When he would have sat down he was told to go on,
and said further: " When the whites first came among us
we had no cattle; they have given us none. What we
have now got we obtained by an exchange of property.
A long time ago Lewis and Clarke came to this country,
and I want to know what they said about us did they
say they found friends or enemies here?"

Being answered that they had been well spoken of, The
Prince continued : " That is a reason why the whites should
unite with us, and all become one people. Those who have
been here before you have left us no memorial of their
kindness by giving us presents. We speak by way of
favor; if you have any benefits to bestow, we will then
speak more freely. One thing that we can speak about
is cattle, and the reason why we cannot speak out now is
because we have not the thing before us. My people are
poor and blind, and we must have something tangible.
Other chiefs have bewildered me since I came; yet I am
from an honorable stock. Promises which have been made
to me and my fathers have not been fulfilled, and I am
made miserable; but it will not answer for me to speak
out, for my people do not consider me as their chief. One
thing more; you have reminded me of what was prom
ised me some time ago, and I am inclined to follow on and
see, though I have been giving my beaver to the whites
and have received many promises, and have always been
disappointed ; I want to know what you are going to do."

To this demand there being no answer, Illutin (Big
Belly) arose and said, the old men were wearied with the
wickedness of the young men, and that if he were alone
he should say "Yes" at once to the laws; and that the
reason the young men were not willing was because they
had stolen property in their possession, and the laws con-

THE CAYV8E WAR. 69

demued them. He advised them, however, to accept the
laws, for their own good.

Here The Prince interrupted, desiring that the good the
laws were to do them might be put in a tangible form. It
was a long time, he said, since the whites had come into
their country promising to do them good; but all had
passed by without leaving any benefits behind. He re
ferred to the competition between the Hudson s Bay
Company and the American traders in 1832-1834, and
said the company had then told them not to go after the
Americans that they would not give them presents
that they talked well, but did not perform, while the
company both promised and performed.

To this Dr. White replied that he was not come either
as a missionary or a trader; and the council ended for that
day without arriving at any definite conclusion.

During the evening White was approached by Ellis and
Lawyer, who informed him they expected pay for being
chiefs, and desired to know how much salary would be
given them, Ellis saying he thought he had already earned
enough to make him rich. He received, however, no
answer to his demand at that interview.

On the next day, before resuming the business of the\
council, it became necessary to put the laws in practice, J
the Kanaka who had accompanied the expedition as(f
servant having been shot, though not fatally, in a quarrel f
with a Nez Perce. The offender fled, but was pursued,
arrested, and punished by forty lashes on his bare back. \

This matter attended to, the council proceeded, and after \
a number of speeches in effect like those of the previous
day, a majority being in favor of the laws, the code was^/
adopted by the Cay uses; and after some electioneering.
Tauitowe was chosen high chief.

It is said, in Gray s History of Oregon, that Tauitowe was
concerned with The Prince in the attack on Mr. Parnbrun,
and that since that time he had been discountenanced by
the Hudson s Bay Company, and dissensions sown among

70 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

his people. This may have been the reason that before
accepting the office of high chief he addressed the Cay uses,
and inquired if they would lay aside their differences, and
give him their cordial support, which they promised.

But, on the following day, the people being reassembled,
he resigned his office, giving as a reason the difference
between his religion and that of most of his nation an
evidence of his good sense, seeing how little it tpok to stir
up strife among them. 5

His brother, Five Crows, was proposed in his stead, when
the Cayusss exclaimed, "our hearts go out towards him
with a rush," and his election was nearly unanimous, a
proof of popularity which affected him to tears.

A feast, at which all sat down, red men and white men,
Mrs. WhitH&an and the Indian women, closed the proceed
ings, and /law as well as religion had become engrafted
upon barbarism. The Indians went their way and the
white men theirs. Mrs. Whitman returned with the
agent s party to the lower country, being offered a place in
one of the Hudson s Bay Company s boats.

At The Dalles, Dr. White spent two months instructing
the several tribes which resorted to this ancient trading
center of the Columbia river Indians. "I begged money,"
he says, " and procured articles for clothing to the amount
of a few hundred dollars, not to be given, but to be sold
out to the industrious women for mats, baskets, and their
various articles of manufacture, in order to get them
clothed comfortably to appear at church; and enlisted the
cheerful cooperation of the mission ladies in instructing
them how to sew and make up their dresses." He also

:&gt; White had to settle an account with the Cayuses, which reminds one of Bonne-
ville s narration of his experience with them. When Jason Lee first passed through
the Cayuse country in 1834, he was presented with some horses, which he received
as a token of friendship, not knowing that pay for presents was expected. As he
had been in the country for nine years without making any return, during which
time they had often reproached Dr. Whitman for the omission by his white brother
to pay his debts, it was thought best to settle with the Cayuses at this time, which
was done by agreeing to give tiiem a cow for each horse Lee had received. At the
price cows were then bringing in the colony, this was magnificent pay.

THE CAYU8E WAR. 71

visited the sick, of whom there are always a large number
in an Indian camp, and by these means secured the observ
ance of the laws among them. 6

"Concerning White s pay for these services, it transpires, through his Ten Years In
Oreijon, that he had considerable trouble. He wrote to he secretary of war Hon. J.
M. Porter in November that he had kept within the limit of three hundred dollars
for interpreters the last year, and had built himself an office at the expense of two
hundred and twenty-five dollars. His traveling expenses, the cost of feeding the
Indians, and his bills at Vancouver, he asks shall be paid, otherwise "pray call me
home at once." He further notifies the secretary that he " cannot sell drafts payable
in Washington," and asks for an order to draft on London. White s treatment under
the administration which succeeded that under which he was appointed, was cer
tainly very unfair; and it was only after many years that his claim was recognized
and compensation made. In the meantime, until he left Oregon in 1845, his seven
hundred and fifty dollars salary was pieced out by loans from the company s officers
at Vancouver, and made to carry on the trying and dangerous intercourse of the
Indians and white people in Oregon for three years.

CHAPTER IV.

Two IMPORTANT EVENTS WHITE S CAUTION TO THE IMMIGRANTS PILOTS OF 1843
INDIANS TROUBLESOME TRADING FOR CATTLE THE DALLES MISSION ABANDONED
MISBEHAVIOR OF CHIEF COCKSTOCK THE AFFAIRS AT OREGON CITY COCK-
STOCK AND Two AMERICANS KILLED HUNGER AND THIEVING IN T^IE WALLAMET
VALLEY THE OREGON RANGERS AND THEIR EXPLOITS THE INDIAN CATTLE
COMPANY KILLING OF ELIJAH HEDDING ALARM IN OREGON WHITE S DEPART
URE FOR WASHINGTON PEU-PEU-MOX-MOX IN CALIFORNIA IN 184(5 NEW INDIAN
AGENT IMMIGRATION OF 1845 ROAD MAKING POLITICS AND THE SOUTHERN
ROUTE IMMIGRATION OF 1846 TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS BY THE COLONISTS
IMMIGRATION OF 1847 NEGLECT OF OREGON BY THE GOVERNMENT THREATS
OF INDEPENDENCE APPREHENSIONS THE BLOW FALLS.

Two events of great importance to Oregon took place in
1843, the first, the organization of a provisional govern
ment in May; the second, the arrival in the autumn of
nearly nine hundred immigrants.

Aware of the danger to be apprehended from the In
dians on seeing a large body of white men with their
families and stock coming into their country, Dr. White
dispatched a letter to meet the immigration at Fort Hall,
urging upon them to travel compactly, in companies of
not less than fifty ; to treat the Indians kindly but with
reserve, and to keep a vigilant watch upon their property.
He warned them that if they came strolling along in small
parties they would scarcely escape having difficulty with
the Indians.

And that was just what happened. The Indians nearest
the mission of Waiilatpu, owing to their farailiarty with
white people, and the temptation to take reprisal for fancied
wrongs, were the most impertinent and thieving. They
were, however, quick to see the benefits to themselves of
the passage through their country of so many people with
what appeared to them wonderful riches in cattle, wagons,
household goods, and clothing, affording them opportuni
ties of trade or theft as best suited their disposition or
convenience. A great deal of thieving took place, and as

* (72)

THE GAYUSE WAR- 73

the immigrants were forced to pay some article of clothing
for having a stolen animal returned a transaction re
peated every twenty-four hours the country along the
Columbia river presented a fantastic show for months
afterwards, of Indians dressed in the most incongruous
and absurd combinations of savage and civilized costumes
a spectacle witnessed more and more, with the passage
of subsequent immigrant parties, for years.

As none of the new comers remained in the Cay use
country, the jealous fears of the mission Indians appeared
to be for the time allayed. They had been able in a few
instances to exchange a fat bullock for a lean heifer, with
a view to stock-raising, which gratified their ambition to
become property holders, and furnished a reasonable
motive in addition to the other, for the maintenance of
peace in the region inhabited by the Indians under the
charge of the Presbyterians.

At The Dalles the Methodists withdrew their missiona
ries in the spring of 1844, leaving only H. B. Brewer in
charge of the houses and other property at that place.
Left to their own devices, and the temptations offered,
these incorrigible rogues were not likely to improve in
their manners, and did not. On the contrary, one of their
chiefs, Cockstock by name, in November of this year came
to the house of Dr. White in the Wallamet valley, intend
ing to take his life; but finding him absent, wreaked his
vengeance on the agent s house, breaking every window
in it; the occasion for this display of wrath being the
punishment of one of his relative for seizing Mr. Perkins
in his own house, and attempting to tie, with the inten
tion of flogging him, for some act displeasing to them.

Shortly after this visit of The Dalles chief, who, however,
was not identified, a party of Klamaths and Molallas,
painted and armed, rode down the valley seemingly bent
on mischief, their proper countries lying from fifty to three
hundred miles away. Dr. White, who was among the
first to see them, determined to depend upon finesse rather

74 TNDTAN WARS OF OREGON.

than force to frustrate any designs they might have of a
hostile nature ; and seeing them go to the lodge of a Cala-
pooya chief, named Caleb by the Americans, immediately
sent an invitation to this chief to call on him in the morn
ing and bring his friends, as he desired to have a talk with
them. Accordingly, all came next day, and were received
in the most friendly manner, being invited by White to
walk over his plantation and see his crops and herds.
Incidentally he asked Caleb if he was prepared to give his
friends a feast, and the chief acknowledging his poverty,
White at once gave him permission to shoot down a fat ox,
to which he added pease and flour, with salt, and soon in
the delights of feasting the stern features of the visitors
relaxed. Their hostile sentiment faded out, and of their
own option they made overtures of friendship the follow
ing morning. To this proposition White answered that he
would call on them next day with Mr. Jesse Applegate, an
immigrant of the previous year, who had already become
a leader in colonial affairs, and in the meantime they
should feast and enjoy themselves. All this courtesy put
them in a fine humor, so that he had no difficulty in
obtaining their consent to meet him in the spring with
their people, and use their influence in persuading their
tribes to enter into a compact with the white population.
The interview ended cheerfully, the Indians riding away
laughing and singing.

But the end was not yet. During the interview at
Caleb s lodge, Cockstock, the chief before mentioned, who
was still personally unknown to White, entered the lodge,
behaving ungraciously to all present, but joining the
party when it set out for home. During the journey he
managed to revive an old feud between the Klamaths and
Molallas, and at the crossing of a river one faction set
upon the other, killing every one opposed to them. For
this wrong the agent could offer no redress.

In the latter part of February, 1844, this same Cock-
stock, who had been behaving in an insolent and disor-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 75

derly manner, together with a few followers, made renewed
threats against the life of White, who was unable to arrest
him, and at last offered a reward of one hundred dollars
for the delivery into his hands of the culprit, to be tried
by the Cayuses or Nez Perces according to the laws recog
nized by them.

A few days afterwards Cockstock with his half dozen
adherents entered Oregon City at midday, all horribly
painted, riding from house to house, showing their arms,
and terrifying the inmates. As his following was so small
the men on whom devolved the protection of the families
regarded the demonstration as drunken bluster, and with
what patience they could, bore the infliction for several
hours, when Cockstock, finding he could not provoke a
quarrel with the white inhabitants in that manner, retired
to an Indian village on the west side of the river with the
purpose of inciting its occupants to attack and burn the
settlement. Failing in this, he obtained an interpreter
and returned to the east side, declaring that he would call
the Americans to account for pursuing him with an intent
to arrest and punish him.

By this time it became noised about that this was the
Indian wanted by Dr. White; and the white men losing
patience, and some desiring the reward offered, made a
simultaneous rush towards the boat landing to intercept
Cockstock "the wealthiest men in town," says Dr. White
in his report, " promising to stand by them to the amount
of one thousand dollars each."

In the confusion of the meeting at the landing, arms
were discharged on both sides at the same moment, and
George W. Le Breton, a young man who had served as
clerk of the first legislative committee of Oregon, and
recorder of the public meeting held Jul} T 5, 1843, estab
lishing a provisional government, was wounded by Cock-
stock in an effort to seize him. Seeing that Le Breton was
unarmed, a mulatto, who had an account of his own to
sot.lle with the chief, ran to his assistance, striking the

76 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Indian on the head with the barrel of his rifle, soon
dispatching him.

The remaining Indians, after shooting their guns and
arrows at random among the people, took refuge on the
bluff above the town, where they continued to fire down
upon the citizens, wounding two men who were quietly at
work a Mr. Rogers and a Mr. Wilson. Arms being now
generally resorted to, the Indians were soon dislodged with
a loss of one wounded and a horse killed. Of the three
Americans wounded, Le Breton and Rogers died from
the effect of poison introduced into the system by arrow
points.

Such was the first result of Dr. White s effort to arrest
The Dalles chief. In a short time he was visited by
seventy painted and armed Indians from that place, who
had come to extort payment for the loss of their common
relative. The explanation of the affair which White gave
them, showed, that whereas they had lost one man, the
Americans had lost two, and that the balance of indem
nity was on their side; but as a matter of kindness and
compassion he would give the widow of the chief two
blankets, a dress, and a handkerchief; and in this equi
table manner, the matter was disposed of, as also a prece
dent established.

With this exception, no white blood was shed through
Indian hostilities in the Wallamet valley, although the
agent was frequently employed in settling with them for
/the killing of an ox belonging to a white man. When
White, with effected sternness, reproved the chief of some
starving band for such a theft, he was met with the com
plaint of game made scarce by white hunters, and the
necessity to live. He was compelled to enforce white
men s laws against a helpless people to whose condition
they were never meant to apply, because to do otherwise
would leave the Indians at the mercy of individual jus
tice. For one old ox killed and eaten, the band living on
Tualatin plains was compelled to pay eight JLOTSCS and one

THE CAYUSE WAR. 77

rifle. In another case where a cow had been slaughtered
by "a hungry and mischievous lodge," they were pur
sued, and resisting arrest, one Indian was killed and an
other wounded. The pursuers lost one horse killed and
one wounded. Yet no one was much disturbed by such
occurrences; and indeed, the early Oregon settlers were^
usually careful not to give the natives cause of offense.

It was about this time, however, that the spirits militant
among the later colonists determined to frighten the
Hudson s Bay Company into a humble attitude towards
the Americans by the organization of a company, armed
and trained for the protection of the colony against aggres
sion by the English, and invasion by the native population.
This company, the first military organization in Oregon,
or the whole northwest, was authorized by the provisional
government, and was known as the " Oregon Rangers."
It was officered by Thomas D. Kaiser, captain ; J. L. Mor
rison, first lieutenant; Fendal C. Cason, ensign; and held
its first meeting for drill at the Oregon institute March 11,
1844. The course of the executive committee in calling
out this company to " avenge the national insult, and seek
redress for this astounding loss" namely, the before
mentioned slaughter of an ox was ridiculed by White in
his report to the secretary of war. History has not re
corded any deeds of prowess performed by the rangers,
whose organization was aimed as much at the Hudson s
Bay Company as at the Indians. 1

For one year after Dr. Whitman s return to his mission, /
quiet had reigned in the upper country. The Indians/
there, as has been said, were filled with an ambition to /
acquire wealth by stock-raising, and not being able to pur- f
chase many animals from the immigration, had formed a ]

1 As a relic of Oregon s first attempt at government, when it had a triple execu
tive, the following document is interesting :

The people of the temtory of Oregon To nil to whom these presents s/iall come :

Know ye, that pursuant to the constitution and laws of our said territory, we have
appointed and constituted, and by these presents do appoint and constitute J. L-
Morrison first lieutenant of the first volunteer company of rangers of said territory,

78 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

company of about forty Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and a few
Spokanes, to go to California and exchange peltries and
horses for Spanish cattle. This was a courageous under
taking, as their route lay through the country of the
warlike Klamaths, Rogue Rivers, and Shastas. But the
expedition, led by Peu-peu-mox-mox, was well mounted
and armed, the chiefs attired in English costume, and
their followers in dressed skins, presenting a fine and formi
dable appearance to the wilder denizens of the southern
interior ; and they arrived safely at their destination with
only some slight skirmishing by the way.

The reception met with by the expedition was cordial,
the Spaniards being quite willing to dispose of their numer
ous herds at the good prices exacted of their customers.
As for the native Oregonians, they found California much
to their liking, and roamed about at pleasure until mis
fortune overtook them in the following manner: Being
on an excursion to procure elk and deer skins, they fell in
with a company of native California bandits whom they
fought, and from whom they captured twenty-two horses
which had been stolen from their Spanish or American
owners.

On returning with their booty to the settlements, some
of the horses were claimed by the original owners, under
the Spanish law that required animals sold to bear a trans
fer mark. As these bore only the brand of their former
owners, the Spaniards claimed them. The Oregonians, on
the contrary, contended that while if any property were

with rank from April 3, 1844, to hold the said office in the manner specified in and by
our said constitution and laws-

In testimony whereof we have caused our seal for military commissions to be
hereunto affixed.

Witness, D. HILL, ESQ.,

J. GALE, ESQ.,
A. BEERS, ESQ.,

Executive committee of said territory, and commanders-in-chief of
all the militia and volunteer companies of said territory.

[ L. s.] Dated at the Willamette Falls the third day of April, in the year of

our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four.
Attest : O. JOHNSON, Sect.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 79

taken by a member of any allied tribe they were bound
to give it up, they considered any property captured from
a common enemy as belonging to the captors; and hence
that the horses taken by them from robbers, at the hazard
of their lives, belonged thenceforth to them.

To this reasoning the Spaniards were deaf, but offered
to compromise by allowing ten cows for the horses, and
finally fifteen, to all of which overtures Peu-peu-mox-mox
answered not, except by a sullen silence, and the negotia
tions were broken off. Before any settlement was arrived
at, an American recognizing a mule belonging to him
among the captured animals, claimed it, with the declara
tion that he would have it.

Among the Oregonians was a young chief named Elijah
lledding, a son of the Walla Walla chief, who had been
1 aught at the mission school in the Wallamet, and was a
convert to Christianity. When he heard the American
declare his intention to take his mule, he quickly stepped
into his lodge, loaded his rifle, and coming out, said sig
nificantly: "Now go and take your mule."

The American inquired, in alarm, if he was going to be
shot. "No," said Elijah, "I am going to shoot yonder-
eagle," pointing to a neighboring pine tree; and the Amer
ican being unarmed, precipitately left the place. On the
iollowing Sunday a part of the cattle company went to
Suiter s fort, where religious services were to be held, and
among them Tauitowe and Elijah. During the afternoon
the two chiefs were enticed into an apartment, where they
were confronted by several Americans, who had come to
California via Oregon, and had suffered annoyances from
the Indians along the Columbia river, who now applied
such approbrious epithets as "thieves" and "dogs" to the
Cayuses and Walla Wallas indiscriminately, and a quarrel
ensued, in the midst of which the American who had been
threatened by Elijah, drawing a pistol, said: "The other
day you were going to kill me now I am going to kill
you."

80 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

On hearing this Elijah, as it was told to White by the
Indians, begged to be allowed to " pray a little first," and
while kneeling, was shot dead. Other authorities have
said that Elijah was a turbulent fellow, and deserving of
the fate he met. But the fact remains that it was the
obstinacy of Peu-peu-mox-mox in refusing to be governed
by the laws of a strange country in which he found him
self, that brought about the misfortune which overtook
the Indian cattle company. They were driven out of
California by Spanish authorities, who pursued them with
cannon, arriving home in the spring of 1845, having left
the cattle, for which they had paid, in California, and
having endured many hardships by the way.

The effect of the disastrous failure of the cattle company
and the death of Elijah was to deepen in the minds of the
mission Indians their mistrust of the white race, and par
ticularly of Americans; for, however much they may have
been at fault, they were in no mood to make allowances
for the natural consequences of that fault, but were instead
in that dangerous temper which caused Dr. Whitman to
send a hasty arid excited communication to the sub-Indian
agent, expressing his fears that Elijah s death would be
avenged upon his mission. And following immediately
upon this letter, White received a visit from Ellis, who
had been delegated to visit both himself and Dr. Mc-
Loughlin, to get from them an opinion as to what should
be done in their case.

"I apprehended," says White, "there might be much
difficulty in adjusting it, particularly as they lay much
stress upon the restless, disaffected scamps late from Will
amette to California, loading them with the vile epithets
of dogs, t thieves/ etc., from which they believed, or
affected to, that the slanderous reports of our citizens
caused all their loss and disasters, and therefore held us
responsible."

According to Ellis, the Walla Wallas, Cayuses, Nez
Perces, Spokanes, Pend d Oreilles, and Snakes were on

THE (JAYUSE WAR. 81

terms of amity and alliance; and a portion of them were
for raising two thousand warriors and marching at once
to California to take reprisal by capture and plunder, en
riching themselves by the spoils of the enemy. Another
part were more cautious, wishing first to take advice, and
to learn whether the white people in Oregon would remain
neutral. A third party were for holding the Oregon
colony responsible, because Elijah had been killed by an
American.

There was business, indeed, for an Indian agent with no
government at his back, and no money to carry on either
war or diplomacy. But Dr. White was equal to it. He
arranged a cordial reception for the chief among the col
onists; planned to have Dr. McLoughlin divert his mind
by referring to the tragic death of his own son by treachery,
which enabled him to sympathize with the father and rela
tives of Elijah ; and, on his own part, took him to visit the
schools and his own library, and in every way treated the
chief as if he were the first gentleman in the land. Still
further to establish social equality, he put on his farmer s
garb and began working on his plantation, in which labor
Ellis soon joined him, and the two discussed the benefits
already enjoyed by the ^native population as the result of
intelligent labor.

Nothing, however, is so convincing to an Indian as a
present, and here, it would seem, Dr. White must have
failed, but not so. In the autumn of 1844, thinking to
prevent trouble with the immigration by enabling the chiefs
in the upper country to obtain cattle without violating the
laws, lie had given them some ten-dollar treasury drafts to
be exchanged with the immigrants for young stock, which
drafts the immigrants refused to accept, not knowing where
they should get them cashed. To heal the wound caused
by this disappointment, White now sent word by Ellis to
these chiefs to come down in the autumn with Dr. Whitman
and Mr. Spalding, to hold a council over the California
affair, and to bring with them their ten-dollar drafts to

82 INDIAN WARS Ob 1 OREGON.

exchange with him for a cow and a calf each, out of his
own herds. He also promised them that if they would
postpone their visit to California until the spring of 1847,
and each chief assist him to the amount of two beaver
skin?, he would establish a manual labor and literary
school for their children, besides using every means in his
power to have the trouble with the Californians adjusted,
and would give them from his private funds five hundred
dollars with which to purchase young cows in California.
It must, indeed, have been a serious breach to heal,
when the Indian agent felt forced to pledge his own means
to such an amount. That he succeeded in averting for the
time an impending disaster should be placed to his credit,
even though he was prevented redeeming all his pledges
through the loss of his office by a change in the form of
the provisional government of Oregon, and his ambition
to figure as the delegate of this government to the United
States. 2 He did, however, write to Sutter, and the agent
of the United States government in California, Thomas 0.
Larkin ; a good deal of correspondence on the subject being
still extant, from which it appears that Sutter had given
the Walla Wallas as they were all called in California
permission to hunt for wild horses to be exchanged for
cattle. In the quarrel which arose between Elijah and
Grove Cook, an American, over the ownership of a mule,
the young chief was shot in Sutter s office during his tem
porary absence. The white witnesses all agreed that

-It is a somewhat curious circumstance that Dr. Elijah White, who certainly
achieved, with rare exceptions, the good attempted for the Oregon colony in his
official capacity, left behind him in this country, instead of a good reputation, a very
unfriendly feeling. That most of it was due to jealousy must be admitted, there
beiug no other solution. In the mission colony the friends of Jason Lee were against
him ; and among these, as well as the immigrant settlers and members of the legis
lature, he was suspected of having designs on the delegateship, whereas both factions
had other preferences. But that he was justified in feeling himself a proper person
to become a delegate, or to accept an appointment, was shown by the action of the
provisional government in asking him to become the bearer of a memorial to con
gress. The opportunity offered to attend to his own personal affairs was of course
acceptable ; but owing to certain influences the legislature later resolved : "That it
was not the intention of this house in passing resolutions in favor of Dr. E. White to
recommend him to the government of the United States as a suitable person to fill
any office in this territory": See Oregon Archives, *(), too, 116. Before leaving for

THE CAYUSE WAR. 83

Elijah was the aggressor; but do not white witnesses
in similar circumstances always agree to the guilt of the
Indian?

It may as well be mentioned here that in the autumn of
1846, Peu-peu-mox-mox went again to California with a
company of forty men, to demand justice for the killing
of his son, their arrival on the frontier causing great con
cern and excitement. Commodore Stockton coming up
from Mon-terey to San Francisco, and a military company
being sent to protect exposed points.

Peu-peu-mox-mox, whatever his intentions may have
been in the outset, seeing that the country was now in the
possession of Americans, and that both Americans and
Spaniards were armed, declared that he only came to
trade, and afterwards offered his services to Major Fremont
to fight the Californians. The adventurers acquitted them
selves well, and returned to Oregon with increased respect
for the Americans as warriors, all their previous experience
of them having been as peace men "women," they called
the Oregon immigrants whom they insulted and robbed,
because they offered no resistance to their annoyances on
the road. Indeed, they had been warned that they must
not judge the fighting qualities of the people of the United
States by the prudent forbearance of men encumbered by
families and herds; and no doubt this lesson was enforced
by what they saw in California.

The provisional legislature created the office of superin-

the states in August, 1845, Dr. White spent several weeks in searching for a pass
through the Cascade mountains, more favorable than the route by Mount Hood,
which had been partially opened the previous year. In this unsuccessful expedi
tion, fitted out at his own expense, he was accompanied by Batteus Du Guerre, Joseph
Charles Saxton, Orus Brown, Moses Harris, John Edmunds, and two others ; and they
examined the country from the Santiam to the head of the Wallamet valley without
finding what they sought ; named Spencer s butte, after the then late secretary of
war, John C. Spencer ; and explored the Siuslaw river to its mouth. White was no
coward. He returned to the states with only Harris, Du Guerre, Saxton, Brown,
Chapman, and two or three others, although traveling this route was becoming more
dangerous every year. Harris deserted at Des Chutes river, remaining in Oregon.
About the last of October the party was captured by the Pawnees ana robbed, White
being beaten into unconsciousness, but rescued through the favor of a chief. He
finally reached Washington, delivering his messages, settling his accounts, and retir
ing to his home near Ithaca, removing some years afterwards to California.

84 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

endent of Indian affairs in August, 1845, and bestowed it
on the governor, George Abernethy. The condition of
Oregon about this time was, in the minds of its white

nhabitants, full of peril, not only from possible Indian
wars, but on account of the resolute attitude taken by
American statesmen towards Great Britain on the question
)f international boundary. Notwithstanding the fact that

he officers of the Hudson s Bay Company had joined with
the Americans in a political compact, and taken an oath
to support the provisional government so far as it did not
interfere with their allegiance to their respective govern
ments, there was the prospect, as it appeared to the colo
nists, of a war between the two nations, which should
force a conflict between the Hudson s Bay Company and
the colonists. In such an emergency it was remembered,
with foreboding, that the Indian population was sure to
take advantage of the opportunity thus offered of avenging
all their real and imagined wrongs upon the Americans.
The immigration of 1845 numbered about three thou
sand persons, and almost doubled the white population of
Oregon; that of 1844 having been about seven hundred
and fifty. But if their numbers were small their patriotism
was large, and they made no secret of the fact that some
of them had come all the way from Missouri to burn Fort
Vancouver. So many threats of a similar nature had
found utterance ever since the first large party of 1843,
that the officers of the British company had thought it
only prudent to strengthen their defenses, and keep a sloop
of war lying in the Columbia. What the company simply
did for defense, the settlers construed into an offense, and
both parties were on the alert for the first overt act.

It has already been mentioned that the passage down
the Columbia was one of excessive hardship and danger,
each immigration having endured incredible suffering,
and also loss, in coming from The Dalles to the Wallamet
valley; families and wagons being shipped on rafts to the
cascades, where a portage had to be made of several miles,

THE CAY USE WAR. 85

and whence another voyage had to be undertaken in such
poor craft as could be constructed or hired, taking weeks
to complete this portion of the long journey from the
states, in the late and rainy months of the year ; the oxen
and herds being driven down to Vancouver on the north
side of the river, or being left in the upper country to be
herded by the Indians. The rear of the immigration of
1844 remained at Whitman s mission over winter, and
several families at The Dalles. The larger body of 1845
divided, some coming down the river, and others crossing
the Cascade mountains by two routes, but each enduring
the extreme of misery. John Minto, then a young man,
says of 1844: "I found men in the prime of life lying
among the rocks (at the Cascades), seeming ready to die.
I found there mothers with their families, whose hus
bands were snowbound in the Cascade mountains, with
out provisions, and obliged to kill and eat their game
dogs. * * There was scarcely a dry day, and the

snow line was nearly down to the river." These scenes
were repeated in 1845 with a greater number of sufferers,
one wing of the long column taking a cut-off by follow
ing which they became lost, and had all but perished in
a desert country. "Despair settled upon the people; old
men and children wept together, and the strongest could
not speak hopefully." "Only the women," says one nar
rator, " continued to show firmness and courage."

The perils and pains of the Plymouth Rock pilgrims
were not greater than those of the pioneers of Oregon, and
there are few incidents in history more profoundly sad
than the narratives of hardships undergone in the settle
ment of this country. The names of the men who pioneered
the wagon rpad around the base of Mount Hood are worthy
of all remembrance. They were Joel Palmer, Henry M.
Knighton, W. H. Rector, and Samuel K. Barlow in partic
ular; but there were many others, even women, who
crossed the mountains late in the year of 1845 on pack
horses, barely escaping starvation through the exertions

86 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

of Barlow and Rector in gelling through to Oregon City,
and forwarding to them a pack-train with provisions.
The wagons, which it was impossible to move beyond
Rock creek, were abandoned, the goods cached, except
such necessaries as could be packed on half starved oxen,
the men walking in the snow, and all often soaked with
rain. Children with feet almost bare endured this terrible
journey, the like of which can never again occur on this
continent. 3

Some of the more thoughtful men of the colony, taking
into consideration the peculiar inaccessibility of western
Oregon from the east, and the possibility of war with
England, asked themselves how United States troops were
to come to their assistance in such a case. The natural
obstacles of the Columbia- river pass were so great as to be
almost positively exclusive in the absence of the usual
means of transportation, and the stationing of but a small
force, or a single battery, at the Cascades, would effectually
exclude an army.

The colonists were still expecting the passage of Linn s
bill, and with it the long-promised military protection;
but there was the possibility that at the very moment of
greatest need they might be left at the mercy of an invad
ing foe, and its savage allies, while the troops sent to their
relief were fenced out and left to starve east of the moun
tains, or to die exhausted with their long march and the
effort to force the passage. of the cascades.

Among the heads and hearts troubled by these fears was
Jesse Applegate. He was very friendly with the officers
of the Hudson s Bay Company, who had so kindly rescued
him and his countrymen from starvation in 1843; and so
highly was he esteemed by them that they had yielded

3 White has been credited with being the cause of the disasters which overtook
the portion of the immigration which was lost. He mentions meeting the several
companies on the road as he went east, but says nothing of giving them advice con
cerning their route. It is not incredible that he spoke to them of his belief that a
pass through the mountains existed at the head of the Wallamet valley, from an
, expedition in search of which lie had just returned. At all events, their guide,
Stephen H. L. Meek, undertook to pilot them to it, and failed. As many as twenty
persons died from this mistake.

THE CAYUSE WAIL 87

to his arguments in favor of joining in the articles of
compact under which the colony was governed; but he
was aware that agents of the British government were
anxiously inquiring whether troops could be brought from
Canada to Fort Vancouver by the Hudson s bay trail, and
he knew that although the company, as such, deprecated
war, the individuals composing it were as loyal to their
government as he to his own.

Under this stress of circumstances, the colonists pro-
posed to raise money to pay the expense of a survey of the
country towards the south, and to open a road should the
survey be successful, which should lead out of the Wall-
amet valley towards Fort Hall. A company was accord
ingly formed in May, 1846, under the leadership of Levi
Scott, which proceeded as far as the southern limit of the
Umpqua valley, but was compelled, by the desertion of
some of its members as they approached the Rogue river
country, to return home.

Jesse Applegate, who from the first had urged the ueces-
sity of this exploration, now determined to lead a company
in persons, which expedition, as organized, consisted of
fifteen men, namely, Jesse Applegate, Levi Scott, Lindsay,
Applegate, David Goff, Benjamin Burch, John Scott, Moses
Harris, William Parker, Henry Bogus, John Owens, John
Jones, Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Bennett Osborne,
and William Sportsman, who left rendezvous in Polk
county June twenty-second.

By using great vigilance the party passed safely through
the Rogue river valley, though they observed signs of a
skirmish with the Indians by a much larger party which
had started for California two weeks earlier, and had their*
horses stolen, being detained in camp until just before the*
explorers came up. The Indians, seeing the second com
pany, allowed the first to escape; but finding the road-
hunters exceedingly wary, made no attempt to molest
them, and contented themselves with pursuing the Cali-
fornia company to the Siskiyou mountains.

88 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

An itinerary of the journey of the explorers of the
southern immigrant road to Oregon would hardly be in
place here. It is sufficient to know that they discovered
and opened a route to Fort Hall, which they induced a
part of the immigration to follow; and that misfortunes
overtook the travelers on this, as well as the northern
route, owing partly to neglect of discipline, and partly
X also to early storms encountered in the canon of the Ump-
qua. Such things must be where large companies invade
the wilderness without sufficient forethought. The worst
of all was the animosity religiously cherished by those
who suffered in person and property against those who
meant to do them and the colony a favor. Those who got
into Oregon any way they could had only themselves to
blame for their troubles; but those who were shown a way
which was not after all safe from accident, were tempted
to cast the blame of their misfortunes upon their guides.
As to depredations by the natives, they were unavoidable
in whatsoever direction lay the route of travel. The In
dians of the Humboldt valley, and the Modoc and Klamath
" countries, were troublesome, lying in ambush and shooting
their poisoned arrows at men and animals. This led to
retaliation, and several Indians and two white jnen were
killed in skirmishes. It was raising up enemies for the
future, whose hatred would have to be washed out in
blood. Fortunate was it that at that time these Indians
were not aware of their own strength. Wild men they
were who had not yet learned from traders, or missiona
ries, or Indian agents, to restrain their savage impulses;
nor had they learned from contact and example the art of
war, which at a later period they practiced with signal
success.

^ The immigration of 1846 was not large, not more than

Q one thousand persons. It found the Oregon colony pros-

perous, and more quiet than the previous year on the

Indian question. The presence of an English and an

American war fleet in the Pacific was not unknown to the

THE GAYUSE WAR. 89

natives, and had the effect to intimidate the dissatisfied
and ignorant, at the same time it caused the more intelli
gent to ask themselves what part they were to be allowed
to play in the distribution of the continent among nations.
The Indians and colonists alike stood still to see what was
to be done with them.

News of the settlement of the northern boundary arrived
by way of the Sandwich Islands, before the meeting of the
legislature, but with it no intimation that Linn s bill had
been passed organizing the territory of Oregon ; but it was
taken for granted that such news must very soon follow,
and with it the protection of United States arms and laws.

In the meantime, as a means of peace, the majority of
the people, with the governor, actively promoted temper
ance. Temperance societies were organized in the colony
at its very commencement. With the first provisional
form of government, temperance laws were enacted. Dr.
White, as Indian agent, enforced the United States laws
against selling liquor to Indians; and the legislature of
1845 passed a prohibitory law against the introduction or
manufacture of ardent spirits.

Notwithstanding all this care a certain amount of what
was called "blue ruin," was manufactured out of molasses,
and sold to the Indians about Oregon City, who noisily
chanted the praises of "blue lu " in the ears of the inhabit-*
ants when they would have preferred to have been asleep.
In his message to the legislature of 1840, Governor Aber- *
nethy said: "During the last year, persons taking advan
tage of the defect in our law, have manufactured and sold
ardent spirits. We have seen the effects (although the
manufacture was on a small scale) in the midnight carous
als among the Indians during their fishing season, and
while they had property to dispose of; and, let me ask,
what would be the consequences if the use of it should be
general in the territory? History may hereafter write the
page in letters of blood." History, however, has no such
charge against the Oregon colonists, as that the} r caused

90 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

bloodshed by the introduction of intoxicating drinks
among the natives ; or that they wantonly, at any time,
put the lives of the people in peril, the affair of Cockstock,
at Oregon City, being the most bloody of any incident in
the colonial history of western Oregon. And perhaps a
good deal of this immunity from war was owing to the
caution of the governor, who never failed to keep the
subject before the people.

Once again a year rolled around without bringing to
Oregon the long expected news that congress had passed
an act organizing a territory west of the Rocky mountains.
An immigration of nearly four thousand souls had poured
into the Wallamet valley, swelling the population to about
eight thousand, making the situation still more critical.
There had not been lacking since the first efforts at local
government a certain element in the colonial life which
favored setting up an independent state; and the failure
of congress to stretch out its hand and take what was so
generously offered it, created a discontent which grew with
every fresh disappointment. We find Dr. White, in 1843,
writing to the secretary of war, that "should it (the Oregon
bill) at last fail of passing the lower house, suffer me to
predict, in view of what so many have had to undergo, in
person and property, to get to this distant country, it will
create a disaffection so strong as to end only in open
rebellion."

Dr. McLoughlin also wrote, in 1844, to a member of the
Hudson s Bay Company in Canada, " They declare that if
in ten years the boundary is not settled, they will erect
themselves into an independent state." The annual fresh
importation of patriotic Americans served to discourage
the independent movement; but the legislature of 1845
would not adopt the name "Oregon territory," because
congress had not erected any such organization. The
boundary was at last settled, and still Oregon got nothing
but promises, and those at long intervals of painful
waiting.

THE CAY USE WAR. 91

In his message to the legislature December 7, 1847,
Governor Abernethy said: "Our relations with the In
dians become every year more embarrassing. They see
the white man occupy their land, rapidly filling up the
country, and they put in a claim for pay. They have
been told that a chief would come out from the United
States and treat with them for their lands; they have been
told this so often that they begin to doubt it; at all
events/ they say, he will not come till we are all dead,
and then what good will blankets do us? We want some
thing now. This leads to trouble between the settler and
the Indians about him. Some plan should be devised by
which a fund can be raised and presents made to the
Indians of sufficient value to keep them quiet until an
agent arrives from the United States. A number of rob
beries have been committed by the Indians in the upper
country, upon the emigrants, as they were passing through
their territory. This should not be allowed to pass. An
appropriation should be made by you sufficient to enable
the superintendent of Indian affairs to take a small party
in the spring and demand restitution of the property, or
its equivalent in horses."

Alas, the blow so long apprehended had fallen, and the
isolated Oregon colony, cut off by thousands of miles from
the parent government, without troops, without money,
without organization of forces or arms, was suddenly
brought face to face with the horrors of an Indian war.

CHAPTER V.

CAUSES OF THE CAYUSE HOSTILITIES DR. WHITMAN WARNED IMMIGRATION OF
1847 AMERICANS AT WAIILATPU ARRIVAL OP CATHOLIC PRIESTS WHITMAN S
FEARS SICKNESS AMONG THE INDIANS WHITMAN AND SPALDING AT UMATILLA
THE MASSACRE AT WAIILATPU DEATH OF DR. AND MRS. WHITMAN AND SEVEN
OTHERS ESCAPES, AND CAPTIVES REV. J. B. A. BROUILLET ESCAPE OF MR.
SPALDING CANFIELD REACHES LAPWAI COURAGE OF MRS. SPALDING CONDUCT
OF THE NEZ. PERCES SPALDING S LETTER TO BROUILLET A COUNCIL HELD AT
THE CATHOLIC MISSION INDIAN MANIFESTO OGDEN S ARRIVAL AT FORT WALLA
WALLA ANOTHER COUNCIL RANSOM PAID FOR THE CAPTIVES ANXIETY OF
OGDEN DEPARTURE FOR VANCOUVER HORRORS OF THE CAPTIVITY SUSPICIONS
AND MISTAKES OF CAPTIVES SUBSEQUENT CONTROVERSIES OGDEN DELIVERS
THE RELEASED AMERICANS TO GOVERNOR ABERNETHY ENDLESS DISCUSSION OF
CAUSES THE REAL CAUSE.

To UNDERSTAND how the Cayuse war so suddenly broke
out, it is necessary to go back to 1842, when Dr. Whitman
went east, as the Indians understood, to bring enough of
his people to punish them for their acts of violence towards
him. They saw him return with a large number, but
with no fighting men; and none of those who came re
mained in their country. This was a failure they were
quick to take advantage of, and while it had in it no
cause for war, they felt more free to practice their annoy
ances and thefts on Americans, while th^y exhibited their
contempt for their former teachers by abandoning the
schools. From 1843 to 1847 there was very little progress
made in the education of the Cayuses and Nez^gerces,
and, in fact, Dr. Whitman and Mr. Spalding had almost
ceased to teach, except by example, but attended to the
affairs of their stations, and waited, as did all Oregon, for
the act of congress which was to give this country the
protection of the government of the United States.

In 1844 Dr. Whitman was able to secure help from the
passing immigration, a number of families wintering at
his station. He also adopted a family of orphan children,
seven in number, whose parents had died on the journey,
three boys and four girls.

(92)

THE CAYUSE WAR. 93

in the spring the immigrants went on to the Walla met
valley, and in the autumn of 1845 and 1846 there were
other families who wintered at Waiilatpu.

During all this time the Cayuses had been growing
more insolent and threatening, and the gentlemen of the
Hudson s Bay Company, who knew the Indian character
thoroughly, frequently entreated the doctor to go away.
But the hope of the safety to be extended from his gov
ernment, kept him at his post, until the growing impa
tience of the Indians, after the unfortunate California (
expedition, finally convinced him of the imminence of
the danger, and caused him to arrange for a possible
removal to The Dalles by purchasing the property of the
Methodist mission at that place, which he put in charge
of his nephew, Perrin B. Whitman.

At the same time, however, such was the courageous
persistency of the man, that he, as late as September, 1847,
purchased machinery for a new flouring-mill for Waiilatpu
and transported it to his station, telling Joel Palmer, whom
he met on the Umatilla, that he was going on, just as he
always intended, but if the Indians continued their hostile
policy, he should break up the mission, and make his
home at The Dalles. To a body of the immigrants on the
Umatilla he delivered an address, advising great caution,
and expressing his apprehensions of an Indian war as the
result of any indiscretions on the part of the new comers.
John E. Ross has said, that acting on Whitman s advice,
his party encamped early, took their evening meal, and
when it was dark moved to a secluded spot away from the
rond to avoid being molested, and getting into an affray.
James Henry E;own has spoken of the doctor s warnings
to the immigrants of that year; and so has Ralph C. Geer,
J. W. Grim, and Peter W. Crawford. Crawford kept a
journal, and from that record many facts have been gath
ered. The evidence is ample that Dr. Whitman knew
upon what dangerous ground he was treading.

Blood had already been spilled at The Dalles, a Mr.

94 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Shepard from St. Louis being killed, and two others
wounded. This affair was begun by the usual thieving of
the Indians. The men robbed appealed to Rev. A. F.
Waller, who advised them to take some Indian horses and
hold them until the property was restored. This brought
on an attack, with the result of a skirmish, and about the
same number of killed and injured on both sides. Many
families were robbed between the Umatilla and The
Dalles, their property being carried to a distance from the
road and cached. Mrs. Geer came near being killed at
the crossing of Des Chutes by an Indian. Four families
left near John Da} T river with their wagons, while the men
of the party were looking for stolen cattle, had everything
taken from them, even to the last vestige of clothing, the
women and children being left naked. They had managed
to conceal a bolt of white muslin, out of which they had
hastily made a covering when Ross company overtook
them and gave them some blankets. By building a fire
on the sand to warm it, they were made passably comfort
able through a frosty September night. These outrages
were known to Dr. Whitman, and still he remained.

That he was much alarmed, however, seems to be shown
by the large number of persons over seventy in all
whom he gathered about him at his station for the winter.
Thanks to Mr. Crawford s journal, we are able to obtain
some account of this temporary colony. From the train
to which Crawford belonged he drew Joseph and Hannah
Smith, with five children one of them a daughter aged
fifteen years. Smith was sent to the sawmill, about twenty
miles from the mission; and Elam Young, his wife, and
three sons, the eldest aged twenty-four, the second twenty-
one, also were sent to the sawmill, where Young was to
get out the timbers for the new gristmill at the mission.
Isaac Gilliland was employed as a tailor at the mission;
Luke Saunders and wife as teachers. The latter had five
children, the eldest a girl of fourteen years. Miss Lori rid a
Bewley, and her brother Crockett A. Bewley, were also

THE CAYUSE WAR. 95

employed, the young woman as assistant teacher. There
were besides, engaged for different service, Mr. and Mrs.
Kimball, with five children, the elder a girl of seventeen
years; William D. Canfield, a blacksmith, his wife Sally
Ann, and five children, the elder a girl of sixteen; Peter
D. Hall, his wife and five children, the elder a daughter
of ten ; Josiah Osborne, a carpenter, and his wife Margaret,
with three young children; Mrs. Rebecca Hays, and one
young child; Mr. Marsh, and daughter aged eleven; Jacob
Hoffman, and Amos Sales in all fifty-four persons.

Besides these there were the mission family consisting
of the Dr. and Mrs. Whitman ; their seven adopted chil
dren; Andrew Rogers, teacher; Eliza, daughter of H. H.
Spalding, aged ten years; two half-caste children, girls,
daughters of James Bridger and Joseph L. Meek; two sons
of Donald Manson of the Hudson s Bay Company, who
were attending school; Joseph Stanfield, a Frenchman; a
half-breed tramp, named Joe Lewis, whom Dr. Whitman
had taken in and given employment; and another man of
mixed blood, named Nicholas Finlay, making together
seventy-two persons at the mission and mill, thirteen of
whom were American men, besides several boys able to
bear arms.

It is evident that so many people were not needed at the
mission, where nothing was being done but preparing to
build the mill. The school at this time, excepting the
children of the immigrants themselves, consisted only of
the few half-caste children already named, and the Sager
family, adopted by the Whitmans.

About the time Dr. Whitman engaged these people to
remain with him until spring, he had a fresh cause of dis
quiet in the arrival of a party of Catholic priests in his
neighborhood, one of whom was invited by Tauitowe, the
Catholic chief, to settle among the Cayuses. At the very
time he was bringing up his mill machinery from The
Dalles, he encountered the Rev. A. M. A. Blanchet at Fort
Walla Walla, and with his usual straightforwardness,

96 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

addressed him thus: "I know very well for what purpose
you have come." "All is known," replied Blaiichet; "I
come to labor for the conversion of the Indians, and even
Americans, if they are willing to listen to me."

That was fair and open, and no man knew better than
the doctor that the Catholic had as much right to be there
as the Protestant; but he did not like it, and so he told
the bishop, declaring he would do nothing to assist him,
even to sell him provisions, showing by his manner how
deeply he was stirred, and sorrowfully hurt by what he
considered a dangerous interference at that time. This
conversation occurred on the twenty-third of September.

At that time, and for several weeks after, Thomas McKay
was stopping at the fort, being ill, and Dr. Whitman was
in attendance upon him. So insecure did he feel himself
that he requested McKay, whose influence with the Indians
was almost unlimited, to spend the winter with him at
Waiilatpu. To this McKa} 7 replied that he could not do
so, on account of his affairs in the Wallamet valley, but if
the doctor so desired, he would exchange places with him:
and the doctor promised to see the property, but did not,
owing to the exigence of affairs at hand.

On the fourth of November there was a meeting of the
Cay use chiefs at Fort Walla WalJa to determine whether
they should receive Catholic teachers, and where, in case
they did so, the bishop should build his house. The ques
tions asked by the chiefs, Tiloukaikt, Camaspelo, Tam-
sucky, and others, were whether the Pope had sent Blanchet
to ask land for a mission, to which the bishop replied that
it was the Pope who sent him, but not to take land only
to save their souls; but that having to live, and being poor,
he must ask a piece of land to cultivate for his support.
The chiefs wished to know if the priests made presents; if
they would cause the lands of the Indians to be ploughed;
would aid in building their houses, or feed and clothe
their children, to all of which Blanchet answered " No."
All this was said openly, by an interpreter at the fort, and

THE CAYUSE WAR. 97

the chiefs retired to * confer together. Tiloukaikt finally
said that as Tauitowe desired it, the bishop should send
one to visit his land, and select a site for a mission.

On the eighth of November Brouillet went by order of
the bishop to Waiilatpu to look at Tiloukaikt s land, who,
with Indian fickleness, had changed his mind, and refused
to show any. He told the priest that he had no place he
could give him but Whitman s, whom he intended to send
away ; to which Brouillet replied that he would not have
that place. Immediately afterwards he accepted Taui-
towe s house on the Umatilla, which he, with Rev. Mr.
Rosseau, set about repairing, and moved into on the twenty-
seventh of November. In the meantime, Dr. Whitman
had several times met Bishop Blanchet at the fort, and
became somewhat softened in his sentiments towards him
personally ; and on the day before the priests Brouillet and
Rosseau left the fort for the Umatilla, Mr. Spalding, and
Mr. Rogers the teacher, dined in their company, all seem
ing mutually pleased with making the acquaintance.

We have now to consider, exclusive of old jealousies,
late altercations, or sectarian influences, the immediate
cause of the Oayuse outbreak. The large immigration of
1847, like most large migrations, had bred a pestilence,
and when it reached the Cayuse country was suffering the
most virulent form of measles, the fever being of a typhoid
kind, and the disease often terminating fatally.

All new diseases, especially those of the skin, are quickly
communicated to the dark complexioned races; and as the
Indians continually hung about the trains pilfering, some
times trading, or inviting the young American lads to a
trial of strength in wrestling matches, it was inevitable
that many should contract the disease, which rapidly
spread among the Cayuses. For two months, or ever
since the doctor s return from The Dalles, he had been
kept busy attending to the sick among the Indians, and
under his own roof. So great had been the mortality that
it threatened the destruction of the Cayuse tribe, thirty of

98 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

whom had died in the immediate vicinity of the mission,
while the sick were to be found in almost every lodge.
"It was most distressing," wrote Spalding, "to go into a
lodge of some ten or twenty fires, and count twenty or
twenty-five, some in the midst of measles, others in the
last stage of dysentery, in the midst of every kind of filth,
of itself sufficient to cause sickness, with no suitable means
to alleviate their inconceivable sufferings, with perhaps
one well person to look after the wants of two sick ones.
They were dying every da} 7 ; one, two, and sometimes five
in a day, with the dysentery, which generally followed the
measles. Everywhere the sick and dying were pointed to
Jesus, and the well were urged to prepare for death."

In Dr. Whitman s own house three of his adopted
children, John, Edward, and one younger, were sick with
measles, besides Mr. Sales, Crockett Bewley, and the two
half-caste girls. Mrs Osborne was still delicate from a
recent confinement, and her babe was sick. This was
enough to occupy the attention of one physician, but
being sent for to go to the Umatilla, Dr. Whitman rode
over to the camp of Sticcas on the same day that Brouillet
arrived there, Mr. Spalding being already at one of the
other camps visiting the sick. The next day, which was
Sunday, the doctor called on Brouillet, remaining but a
few moments, and inviting the priest urgently to return
the visit when he should be in his vicinity, an invitation
which seems to have had some reference to negotiations
which were then in progress for the sale of Waiilatpu to
the Catholics.

Brouillet, in his Authentic Account, says that Dr. Whit
man, during his brief visit appeared "much agitated," and
being invited to dine refused, saying he had twenty-five
miles to ride to reach home, and he feared he should be
late. Spalding remained at Umatilla, and on Monday
took supper with the priest, remarking in the course of
conversation that Dr. Whitman was disquieted because the
Indians were displeased with him on account of the sick-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 99

ness among them; and that he had been informed that
Tamsucky, a Cayuse, called The Murderer, intended to kill
him. Spalding seemed not to be apprehensive, probably
because he had so often heard of such threats in^jthe
previous ten years that they had ceased to have much
meaning.

That Dr. Whitman, however, had cause for the agitation
noticed by Brouillet, there is evidence not only in his
haste to reach home, but in the statement of Spalding, who
heard it from the inmates of the mission, that "the doctor
and his wife were seen in tears, and much agitated;" from
the testimony of Mrs. Saunders that the family were kept
sitting up late Sunday night in consultation; and from
the fact that there was a certain amount of preparation
for, or expectation of danger on the part of those domiciled
in the doctor s house, as appears from the events that
followed. If the doctor neglected to warn those outside of
his house, it was because he had no reason to think they
would be included in the fate which threatened him, and
judged it better to leave them in peace.

On the following day, being Monday, Joseph Stanfield,
the Frenchman, brought in a fat ox from the plains to be
slaughtered, and it was shot by Francis Sager, one of the
doctor s adopted sons. Kimball, Canfield, and Hoffman
were dressing the carcass in the space between the doctor s
house and the larger adobe Mansion house. Mr. Saun
ders had just collected his pupils for the afternoon session
of school ; Mr. Marsh was grinding Spalding s grist in the
mill; Gilliland was at work on his tailor s bench in the
adobe house,*" Mr. Hall was -laying a floor in a room of the
doctor s house; Mr. Rogers was in the garden; Mr. Osborne
and family were in the Indian room, which adjoined the
doctor s sitting-room; John Sager, still an invalid, was
sitting in the kitchen; Mr. Canfield and family occupied
the blacksmith shop for a dwelling, and Mr. Sales occupied
a bed there, while young Bewley and the sick children
were in bed in the two houses. A good many Indians

100 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

were iu the yard between the buildings, but as it was
always so when a beef was being dressed, no notice was
taken of this circumstance.

There had been an Indian funeral in the morning, which
the doctor attended, since which he had remained about
the house. Stepping into the kitchen, perhaps to look
after John Sager, his voice was heard in altercation with
Tiloukaikt, and immediately after two shots were fired,
when Mrs. Whitman, who was in the dining-room adjoin
ing, cried out in an anguished tone, "Oh, the Indians! the
Indians!" as if what had occurred were understood and
not unexpected. 1 Running to the kitchen she beheld her
husband prostrate and unconscious, with several gashes
from a tomahawk across his face and neck. The sound
of the guns and the yelling of the Indians outside of the
houses startled the women, who were in the Mansion
house, who ran to the doctors house, and offered their
assistance to Mrs. Whitman, who was then binding up
the doctor s wounds. At that moment Mr. Rogers ran in,
wounded, and gave such assistance as he could to the
women in removing the doctor to the dining-room. The
doors and windows were then fastened.

Meantime, outside, the slaughter of the several men,
heads of families and others, was going on amid the
blood-curdling noises of Indian warfare; and presently,
the doctor s house was attacked. On going near a window
Mrs. Whitman was shot in the breast, when she and all
with her retreated to the chamber above. The Indians
then broke in the doors and windows, and ordered the
inmates of the chamber, including several sick children,

1 No clear account of the massacre at Waiilatpu was ever obtained. After sifting
all the published statements, and the depositions taken at the trial of the Cayuses, it
is still impossible to call up anything like a true mental impression of the scene.
That this should be so is unavoidable. Taking the sixty, odd men, women, and
children at the mission, and thirty Indians (the number given by one of the wit
nesses), making nearly a hundred persons, divided into groups at different points, it
Avould be impossible that any one spectator could have seen all or much of what
transpired. Terror and grif colored the view of that which was seen, and subse
quent events created many new impressions. Such as appears indisputable is alone
presented here.

THE CAY USE WAR. 101

to come down and go to the Mansion house; and, on
objections being made, Tamsucky informed them that their
lives would be spared should they comply, but that they
would perish if they refused; the "young men" being de
termined to burn the mission residence.

Thus compelled, all descended, except Mr. Kimball, who
had a broken arm, and had hidden himself and four sick
children, who were to be sent for. Mrs. Whitman fainting
at the sight of her dying husband, was laid upon a
wooden settee, to be carried to the Mansion house. As
the settee appeared, the Indians, who were now drawn up
in line outside, fired several shots, fatally wounding Mrs.
Whitman, Mr. Rogers, and Francis Sager. The " young-
men " then lashed Mrs. Whitman s face with their whips,
and rolled her body in the mud made by the late Novem
ber rains about the door.

Following this scene was another almost equally har
rowing, when the school children were compelled to stand
huddled together in the kitchen to be shot at by the
Cayuse braves. At this point, however, their purpose was
suddenly changed by the interference of the- Frenchman,
Stanfield, and by the opportunity to inflict further indig
nities upon the still breathing victims on the ground.

Two friendly Walla Wallas, who had been employed
about the mission, led the children away to a secluded
apartment, and endeavored to comfort them. 2 Every one
not killed was now a prisoner, and subject to any brutal
caprice of their goalers, who robbed, but did not burn the
the mission-house, and compelled the women they had
made widows to wait upon them as servants, and this
while the dying still breathed, whose groans were heard

2 In the sectarian controversies which followed the massacre of Waiilatpu, the
interposition of Stanfield to save the children and women, was made to appear a
proof of complicity with the murderers; but the facts show him at all times doing
what he could to alleviate the misfortunes he had no power to avert. He was no
more at liberty to leave the mission than the other prisoners ; and being there was
able, by not laying himself open to suspicion of the Cayuses, to perform many acts
of kindness, on one pretext or another, which should have been set down to his
credit instead of proving him a miscreant.

102 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

far into the night. Thus closed the first scene in the
tragedy.

The killed on the afternoon of the twenty-ninth of
November, 1847, were: Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, Mr. Rog
ers, John and Francis Sager, Mr. Gilliland, Mr. Marsh, Mr.
Saunders, and Mr. Hoffman. The escapes were: Mr.
Osborne and family, who, at the first sound of the out
break, hid themselves under the floor of the room they
occupied, where they remained until night, when they left
the house under cover of the darkness, and made their
way to Fort Walla Walla, barely escaping starvation ; Mr.
Canfield, who hid himself, and fled to Lapwai; and Mr.
Hall, who snatched a gun from an Indian, and although
wounded, reached the cover of a thicket, whence he set
out after dark for the fort, reaching it at daybreak on the
thirtieth. There he insisted on going to the Wallamet,
and being furnished with clothing and a boat, started on
his perilous journey, and was never heard of more
making the tenth victim of the tragedy, unless Mr. Kim-
ball came before.

In the confusion of events at the close of the first day
Mr. Kimball and the four sick children left in the attic
were forgotten, remaining without food or water until the
next day, when the sufferings of the children, as well as
his own, induced him to venture in search of water, and
he was discovered and shot. On the same day, James
Young from the sawmill, with a load of lumber for the
mission-house, was also killed. Two young men, Crockett
Bewley and Amos Sales, through some unaccountable leni
ency of the Indians, they being sick in bed, were spared
until the following Tuesday, December eighth, when they
were killed with revolting cruelties. The youngest of the
Sager children and Helen Mar Meek died of neglect a day
or two after the first murders, making the number of
deaths from Indian savagery fifteen.

The two Munson boys and a Spanish half-breed boy,
whom Dr. Whitman* bad. raised, were separated from the

THE CAY USE WAR. 108

other children the day after the massacre and sent to Fort
Walla Walla, the Indians not including these in their
decree of death, which doomed only American men and
boys.

The massacre began* on Monday, about one o clock, and
was continued, as has been narrated, on Tuesday. On
Wednesday morning Joseph Stanfield was preparing the
dead for burial, when there arrived at the mission J. B.
A. Brouillet, the Catholic priest from the Umatilla, who
lent his assistance 3 in committing to the earth the mu
tilated remains of ten of the dead. The watchfulness of
the Indians prevented any but the briefest communica
tion between the captives and the priest, who having done
what he could returned to Fort Walla Walla, and thence
to his mission.

The carousal of blood ended, the murderers seized upon
the property of their victims, which they carried off, but
quarreling among themselves about its division, brought

3 The following is Brouillet s statement concerning his visit : That before leaving
Fort Walla Walla, it had been decided that after going to the Umatilla, and visiting
the sick there, he should go to Tiloukaikt s camp, to baptize the children, and such
adults as desired it. il After having finished baptizing the infants and dying adults
of my mission, I left Tuesday, the thirtieth of November, late in the afternoon, for
Tioukaikt s camp, where I arrived between seven and eight o clock in the evening.
It is impossible to conceive my surprise and consternation when upon my arrival I
learned that the Indians the day before had massacred the doctor and his wife, with
the greater part of the Americans at the mission. I passed the night without scarcely
closing my eyes. Early the next morning I baptized three sick children, two of
whom died soon after, and then hastened to the scene of death to offer to the widows
and orphans all the assistance in my power. I found five or six women and over
thirty children in a condition deplorable beyond description. Some had just lost
their husbands, and the others their fathers, whom they had seen massacred before
their eyes, and were expecting every moment to share the same fate. The sight
of these persons caused me to shed tears, which, however, I was obliged to conceal,
for I was the greater part of the day in the presence of the murderers, and closely
watched by them, and if I had shown too marked an interest in behalf of the
sufferers, it would have endangered their lives and mine ; these therefore entreated
me to be on my guard. After the first few words that could be exchanged under
those circumstances, I inquired after the victims, and was told that they were yet
unburied. Joseph Stanfield, a Frenchman, who was in the service of Dr. Whitman,
and had been spared by the Indians, was engaged in washing the corpses, but being
alone he was unable to bury them. I resolved to go and assist him, so as to render
to those unfortunate victims the last service 111 my power to offer them. What a
sight did I then behold ! Ten dead bodies lying here and there, covered with blood
and bearing the marks of the most atrocious cruelty, some pierced with balls, others
more or less gashed by the hatchet": BrouWet 8 Authentic Account of (tie Murder of
Dr. Whitman.

104 INDIAN WAfiS OF OREGON.

back and replaced it, except such articles as were con
verted to their use upon the spot. 4 namely, provisions and
clothing. Thus the remainder of the week wore away
without any signs of rescue, or relief from the horrible
apprehensions which preyed upon all minds. On Satur
day Brouillet s interpreter arrived at the mission, riding
a horse that belonged to Mr. Spalding, which caused his
friends there to believe he had also been murdered, but no
opportunity was given for inquiring, and on the following
day the interpreter left.

Having by this time exhausted the excitement attending
upon the massacre, and meeting with neither punishment
nor opposition from any quarter, the chiefs determined
upon adding to murder and rapine the violation of the
young women and girls in their power. . The first of these
outrages was perpetrated upon Miss Bewley by Tamsucky,
who dragged her away from the house Saturday night,
and continued to force compliance with his wishes while
she remained at the mission. The sons of Tiloukaikt fol
lowed his example, and took the fifteen-year-old daughter
of Joseph Smith to their lodge, with the consent of her father,
such was the abject fear to which all those in the power of
the Indians were reduced. Susan Kimball also was car
ried away to the lodge of Tintinmitsi, her father s mur
derer, known to the white people as Frank Escaloom. 5
Other sufferers escaped a painful notoriety ; and one young
widow was saved by the mingled wit and wisdom of Stan-
field, who pretended she was his wife. 6

4 Catbine Sager testified to seeing Tiloukaikt wearing one of Mrs. Whitman s
dresses, and another having on her brother s coat : From Depositions taken at the Trial
of the Cayuses.

"The names of the other victims of savage brutality have never transpired, nor
need any have been known but for the bitter sectarian controversy which forced
these matters into notice. Spalding asserted, in some lectures delivered in 1806-67,
that women and little girls were subjected to brutal treatment. Elam Young, in a
sworn deposition, says: "A few days after we got there two young women were
taken as wives by the Indians, which I opposed, and was threatened by Smith, who
was very anxious that it should take place, and that oilier little girls should be given
up for wives : Gray s History of Oregon, 483.

The day after the massacre, Tiloukaikt, finding Stanfield near the house in
which the women and children were confined, asked him if he had anything in the

THE CAY USE WAR. 105

On Sunday following the massacre, Daniel Young ar
rived at the mission from the sawmill to inquire why his
brother James had not returned, and learned the news of
the massacre of Monday, and his brother s death on Tues
day. He was permitted the next day to carry the dread
ful intelligence to the families at the mill; but was followed
by three Cayuses, who ordered all those there to remove to
Waiilatpu, where they arrived on Tuesday, to find that
the two young men, Bewley and Sales, had been murdered
in their beds that day, and were ordered to attend to their
burial.

It would seem like a caprice for the Indians to have
spared the lives of Smith and the two Youngs, were it
not, on second thought, plain that the services of these
men were required to enable the Indians to enjoy the
fruits of their butchery, or even to bury Iheir own dead,
as they had been taught by the missionaries to do. After
the murder of Bewley and Sales, the oldest male American
captive was Nathan Kimball, aged thirteen; and adult
men were needed to perform the labor of grinding at the
mill, and otherwise looking after the maintenance of the
large number of women and children at the mission, and
for this reason the lives of Smith and Young were spared.
But although they lived, they had no power to abate the
horrors of captivity suffered by the women and children.

On Thursday a new trouble was added. Word had
been sent to Five Crows that he could have his choice of
the young women for a wife, and his choice had fallen on

* house. "Yes," said Stanfield, "my things are there." "Take them away," said
the chief. "Why should I ?" asked Stanfield ; but the chief insisted. " Not only are
my things all there, but my wife and children," said Stanfieid. "You have a wife
and children in the house ?" exclaimed Tiloukaikt, surprised. " Will you take them
away?" "No," said Stanfield, " I will not; but 1 will go and stay with them. I see
you have evil designs ; you would kill the women and children. Well, you may kill
me with them! Are you not ashamed?" This ruse saved almost half a hundred
lives. Later Stanfield told the people in the house that he was married to Mrs. Hays,
and when they were incredulous and questioned him, he replied, " We are married,
and that is enough !" This declaration, if believed, was sufficient to prevent any in
terference by the Indians, Stanfield being a Frenchman, and so, under the protection
of the Hudson s Bay Company. It is difficult to perceive how Stanfield could have
done more for the captives than he did do.

106 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Miss Bewley, for whom a horse and an escort was sent on
that day. Up to this point it does not appear that the
Umatilla Cayuses had taken any part in the outrages of
Tiloukaikt s camp; and this gift of Miss Bewley to Five
Crows was a bribe to secure his concurrence in future, if
not his approval of the past. For although neither Five
Crows nor Tauitowe consented to the murders, they, with
Indian stolidity, verified Spalding s judgment of the sav
age when he said in his report to White, that he " had no
evidence to suppose but a vast majority of them would
look on with indifference and see our dwellings burnt to
the ground, and our heads severed from our bodies."

Miss Bewley had been ill from the effect of the shocks
to which she had been subjected, but was compelled to
make the journey on horseback, camping out one night
in a snowstorm. All the comfort that her fellow captives
were able to give her was the suggestion that she would
be safer at the Catholic station than where she was. 7 Such
was the history of the first ten days following the massacre
at the mission.

We have now to account for those who escaped on that
day, namely, Hall, Osborne, and Canfield. Hall having
snatched a gun from an Indian, defended himself with it
and reached the cover of the trees that grew along the
Walla Walla river. After dark he fled towards Fort Walla
Walla, where he arrived on the following morning with
the story of the massacre so far as seen by him, intelligence
which appears to have given very great alarm to Mr. Mc-
Bean, the agent in charge. Hall was furnished with the
Hudson s bay cap and coat, with such articles as would be
required on his journey, and proceeded towards the Walla-
inet on the north side of the Columbia. He was never
.heard of afterwards.

Mr. Osborne with his wife and three children secreted
themselves under the floor of their apartment, remaining
there until night, when they also attempted to get to Walla

: Deposition of Elaui Young : Gray s History of Oregon, 483.

THE CAY USE WAR. 107

Walla. But Mrs. Osborne being ill, was able to go only
two miles, and for this reason, and from fear of the Indians,
they were compelled to conceal themselves during Tuesday,
suffering from hunger, cold, and every want. On Tuesday
night three miles was accomplished, and Wednesday spent
in concealment. That night the father took one of the
children and started again for the fort, which he reached
Thursday forenoon, being kindly received by McBean,
who, however, was disinclined at first to entertain him
and his family, and could not furnish horses to bring them
to the fort, -but insisted on their going to the Umatilla. 8
The arrival, about noon, of the Indian painter, J. M.
Stanley, from Fort Colville, 9 was a fortunate occurrence,
for he forthwith offered his horses to Osborne, with such
articles of clothing as were indispensable, and some pro
visions left over from his journey. With this example of
what might be expected of himself, McBean took courage
and furnished an Indian guide to assist Osborne in finding
his family, which was finally brought to the fort on Fri
day, in a famishing condition, and given such cold com
fort as a blanket on a bare floor, food, and fire could
impart, 10 and here the family remained until the day of
their deliverance..

8 Affidavit of Osborne in the Oregon American and Evangelical Unionist, July 19, 1848.
The fugitives who sought refuge at the fort made complaints of their reception, and
charged McBean s conduct to his religion ; but he was probably afraid of an attack
on the fort, as his letter, given elsewhere, intimates. The Americans, in judging of
the conduct of the Hudson s Bay Company s officers, never made sufficient allowance
for the greater caution of the British subjects generally in all matters, and particu
larly the long experience of the company with Indians. A number of times their
forts had been attacked, and more than once their agents had been killed. C. B.
Roberts, for mauy years confidential clerk at Vancouver, says in his Historical Recol
lections, MS.: "As to McBean, I know very little to say in his favor. He was, I
think, a half-breed from Red river a bigoted Catholic of narrow views and educa
tion." That he changed his course seems sure evidence of a strong governing
influence.

9 Stanley had a narrow escape, although unconscious of it at the time. He was
stopped and questioned as to his nationality. Was he American ? No. French ? No.
English? No. What then ? A Buckeye. As his questioners knew nothing against or
about Buckeyes, and as he offered them tobacco, he was allowed to pass.

10 Osbome charged two oblate priests, who were staying at the fort, with cruelty
in not offering their bed to his sick wife. Mr. Stanley being called upon to give his
evidence, testified as follows : "I occupied a room with two or more of the Catholic

108 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Mr. Canfield, who was in the yard when the attack was
made on the men engaged in dressing the heef, ran past
the shop where his family lived, snatching up his youngest
child, and calling to the others to follow, succeeded in
reaching a chamber in the Mansion house, where they re
mained undiscovered until night, and the Indians had
retired to their lodges. He then found Stanfield, who
directed him to a place four miles on the road to Lapwai,
and who promised to bring him a horse the next morning,
but was unable to do so ; and after lying concealed over
Tuesday, set out on foot for the Nez Perces country. On
Friday he reached Snake-river crossing, and was ferried
over and piloted to Spalding s place by the Nez Perces In
dians (who were yet ignorant of what had taken place at
Waiilatpu), which he reached on Saturday, conveying to
Mrs. Spalding the terrible news of the massacre of her
friends, her daughter s captivity, and the probable death
of her husband of whom nothing had been heard since
Dr. Whitman s return from the Umatilla.

With remarkable courage, and with that insight into
Indian character which distinguished her, Mrs. Spalding
decided on her course of action. The only person at her
house, besides her young children, was Miss Johnson, her

priests ; and their beds consisted of two blankets with a stick of wood for their
pillow.. * * * Mr. McBean procured for him (Osborne) a trusty Walla Walla
Indian to return with him for his family, but having no horses at the post, I prof
fered the use of my own until he should reach the company s farm, about twenty
miles distant, where he was supplied with fresh ones. Had it not been for the
guide s perseverance, Mrs. Osborne and children must have perished. Mr. Osborne,
despairing of finding the place where he had left them, proposed to the Indian to
return. The Indian said he was told, by McBean not to return without finding them,
and he continued his search until he discovered their concealment. They arrived
at the fort early in the evening of the third of December, and Mr. McBean said he
would protect them with his life. They were not allowed to go three days without
provisions, but on the contrary were furnished daily with such provisions as were
used by Mr. McBean and family. Mr. McBean proffered a blanket to Mr. Osborne on
his credit, and I am quite positive the article was not asked for by Mr. Osborne.
Signed. J. M. STANLF.Y."

Oregon City, March 10, 1848.

Osborne s own affidavit confirms Stanley s statement concerning the rescue of his
family after he had given them up, and McBean s declaration that he would protect
them with his life. The sufferings experienced by the survivors of the Waiilatpu
massacre were such, with the prejudices imbibed beforehand, as to render them
incapable of giving clear accounts of what had taken place.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 109

assistant. Her brother Mr. Hart, and a Mr. Jackson usu
ally at the mission, were absent, one on a visit to the
Spokane station, and the other on the road from Waiilatpu,
which place he left with a pack train of flour only three
hours before the massacre. The only other American in
the- Nez Perces country was William Craig, a mountain
man, who had a place ten miles up the Lapwai creek, the
mission being at its mouth. There was nothing therefore
to be hoped for from the people of her own race, and she
determined to throw herself upon the generosity of the
Nez Perces before they had time to hear from the Cayuses.
Fortunately, two influential chiefs were at the mission,
Jacob and Eagle, whom she at once informed of what had
taken place at Waiilatpu, deputizing one to break the
news to the camp, and sending the other with a letter to
Mr. Craig. 11

It was thought best by the Indians for Mrs. Spalding to
remove to Craig s place where they had their winter camp
on account of wood, and to this she consented. Although
the Nez Perces expected the Cayuses, and kept guard at
night, Mrs. Spalding refused to leave the mission before
Monday, but waited to see Craig, who came down during
Saturday night, and endeavored to get some Indians to
carry expresses to Walker and Eells, and to her daughter.
This was no easy matter, but Eagle finally consented to
undertake the dangerous duty.

On Monday the family at the mission was removed to
Craig s, where Mr. Jackson arrived on Tuesday. And now
came the test of character with the Nez Perces. While
those immediately under Mrs. Spalding s influence re
mained friendly, Joseph, a principal chief in the absence
of Ellis, and a member of the church at Lapwai of eight
years standing, with others of his following, a number
of whom were also church members, joined with a few

11 Mr. Spaldiiig names, besides Jacob and Eagle, Luke and his two brothers, mem
bers of his church, and James, a Catholic, who was particularly friendly to himself
and family, with most of their people : Oregon American, August 16, 1848.

110 INDIAN WARS OF OKEGON.

from James camp in plundering the mission buildings. 12
Let us now follow Mr. Spalding, whom Dr. Whitman
left on the Umatilla, and who had taken supper with
the Catholic priests on the fatal twenty-ninth of Novem
ber, quite unconscious of the horror that had fallen upon
Waiilatpu.

On Wednesday, December first, after concluding his
visits to the sick in that neighborhood, Mr. Spalding set
out on his return to Whitman s station on horseback, driv
ing before him some pack horses, as was the custom of the
country. When near the crossing of the Walla Walla
river, and about three miles from the mission, he met
Brouillet returning from Waiilatpu, accompanied by his
interpreter, and Edward Tiloukaikt. The interview which
took place is best told by Brouillet, as follows: " Fortu
nately, a few minutes after crossing the river the interpre
ter asked Tiloukaikt s son for a smoke. They proposed
the calumet, but when the moment came for lighting it,
there was nothing to make a fire. You have a pistol,
said the interpreter; fire it and we will light. Accord
ingly, without stopping, he fired his pistol, reloaded it
and fired again. He then commenced smoking with the
interpreter without thinking of reloading his pistol. A
few minutes after, while they were thus engaged in smok
ing, I saw Mr. Spalding come galloping towards me. In a
moment he was at my side, taking me by the hand, and
asking for news. Have you been to the doctor s? he in
quired. Yes, I replied. What news? Sad news. Is
any person dead? Yes, sir. Who is dead? Is it one
of the doctor s children? (He had left two of them very
sick.) No, I replied. Who then is dead? I hesitated
to tell him. Wait a moment, said I; I cannot tell you
now. While Mr. Spalding was asking me these different

12 Says Spalding : Here was an opportunity for religion to show itself if there was
any. Never before had temptation come to Joseph and his native brethren in the
church in this dress. But now it came, and his fall, as I regard it, and that of some
others, has given the Christian world a lesson that should be well studied, before it
again places the lives and property of missionaries at the mercy of lawless savages,
without a military force to keep them in awe " : Oregon American, August 16, 181".

3 K A

ERSITY

THE GAYUSE WAR. Ill

questions, 1 had spoken to my interpreter, telling him to
entreat the Indian in my name not to kill Mr. Spalding,
which I begged of him as a special favor, and hoped that
he would not refuse me. I was waiting for his answer,
and did not wish to relate the disaster to Mr. Spalding
before getting it, for fear that he might by his manner
discover to the Indian what I had told him, for the least
motion like flight would have cost him his life, and prob
ably exposed mine also. The son of Tiloukaikt, after hesi
tating some moments, replied that he could not take it
upon himself to save Mr. Spaldiug, but that he would go
back and consult with the other Indians; and so he started
back immediately to his camp. I then availed myself of
his absence to satisfy the anxiety of Mr. Spalding."

The news was quickly told, for there was no time
to be lost. Brouillet represents Spalding as paralyzed by
it. u ls it possible! Is it possible!" 13 he repeated several
times. "They will certainly kill me;" and he was unable
to come to any conclusion. Urged by Brouillet to rouse
himself and decide upon a course, he resolved to fly, and
leaving his loose horses in charge of the interpreter, with
a little food given him by the priest turned aside into the
pathless waste, with his face set in the direction of home.
His horse straying, after a painful journey of a week on
foot, traveling only at night, he reached Craig s on the
day after Mrs. SpaTding s removal to that place.

Meantime, on the very day of the removal, a messenger
from the Cay uses arrived with a statement of what had
been done by them, and the reasons for their acts, with a
demand for an expression of opinion by the Nez Perces.
A majority preferred remaining neutral until they knew
what course was likely to be pursued by the white people
in the country. This course was commended and encour
aged by Spalding, who, after counseling with the chiefs,

13 Eighteen years afterwards Mr. Spalding said to the writer of this : " I felt the
world all blotted out at once, and sat on my horse as rigid as a stone, not knowing or
feeling anything ;" and the sweat of a long past anguish stood out on his forehead
as he recounted the history of that time.

112 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

wrote a letter to Blanchet and Brouillet to assure them of
his safety, and also to settle the question of policy towards
the Cay uses. It runs as follows:

CLEAR WATER, December 10, 1847.
To the bishop of Walla Walla, or either of the Catholic priests :

REVEREND AND DEAR FRIEND : This hasty note may inform
you that I am yet alive through the astonishing mercy of God.
The hand of the merciful God brought me to my family after six
days and nights from the time my dear Mend furnished me with
provisions, and I escaped from the Indians. My daughter is yet a
captive, I fear, but in the hands of our merciful heavenly father.
Two Indians have gone for her. 14 My object in writing is princi
pally to give information through you to the Cayuses that it is our
wish to have peace ; that we do not wish the Americans to come
from below to avenge the wrong ; we hope the Cayuses and Ameri
cans will be on friendly terms ; that Americans will no more come
in their country unless they wish it. As soon as these men return,
I hope, if alive, to send them to the governor to prevent Americans
from coming up to molest the Cayuses for what is done. I know
that you will do all in your power for the relief of the captives, women
and children, at Waiilatpu ; you will spare no pains to appease
and quiet the Indians. There are five Americans here (men), my
wife and three children, one young woman, and two Frenchmen.
We cannot leave the country without help. Our help, under God,
is in your hands, and in the hands of the Hudson s Bay Company.
Can help come from that source? Ask their advice and let me
know. I am certain that if the Americans should attempt to come
it would be likely to prove the ruin of us all in this upper country,
and would involve the country in war ; God grant that they may
not attempt it. At this moment I have obtained permission of the
Indians to write more, but I have but a moment. Please send this
or copy to Governor Abernethy. The Nez Perec s held a meeting
yesterday ; they pledged themselves to protect us from the Cayuses
if they [we] would prevent the Americans from coming up to
avenge the murders. This we have pledged to do, and for this we
beg for the sake of our lives at this place and at Mr. Walker s. By
all means keep quiet and send no war reports ; send nothing but
proposals for peace. They say they have buried the death of the
Walla Walla chiefs son, killed in California. They wish us to bury
this offense. I hope to write soon to Governor Abernethy, but as
yet the Indians are not willing, but are willing I should send those
hints through you. I hope you will send by all means and with all

."They did not succeed in bringing her away.

THE CAYU8E WAR. 113

speed to keep quiet in the Willamette. Could Mr. Grant 15 come
this way, it would be a great favor to us, and do good to the Indians.

I just learn that these Indians wish us to remain in the country
as hostages of peace. They wish the communication for Americans
to be kept open. We are willing to remain so, if peace can be se
cured. It does not seem stife for us to attempt to leave the country
in any way at present. May the God of heaven protect us and
finally bring peace. These two men go to make peace, and when
they return, if successful with the Cay uses, they will go to the
Willamette. We have learned that one man escaped to Walla
Walla, crossed over the river, and went below. He would naturally
suppose that all were killed. Besides myself, another white man
escaped wounded and reached my place three days before I did.

Late Indian reports say that no women, except Mrs. Whitman,
or children, were killed, but all are in captivity. These people, if
the Cayuses consent, will bring them all to this place.

I traveled only nights, and hid myself days, most of the way on
foot, as my horse escaped from me ; suffered some days from hunger
and cold and sore feet ; had no shoes, as I threw my boots away,
not being able to wear them, and also left blankets. God in mercy
brought me here. From the white man who escaped and from the
Indians, we learn that an Indian from the states, 16 who was in the
employ of Dr. Whitman, was at the head of the bloody affair, and
helped demolish the windows and take the property. We think the
Cayuses have been urged into the dreadful deed. God in mercy
forgive them, for they know not what they do. Perhaps these men
can bring my horses and things. Please give all particulars you
have been able to learn, and what news has gone below. How do
the women and children fare? How extensive is the war? In giving
this information, and sending this letter below to Governor Aber-
nethy, you will oblige your afflicted friend. I would write directly
to the governor, but the Indians wish me to rest until they return.
Yours in affection and with best wishes.

(Signed.) H. H. SPALDING.

The Nez Perces who brought this letter, evidently
written under stress of circumstances, and guardedly, were
Inimilpip and Tipialanahkeikt, sub-chiefs, and members
of Mr. Spalding s congregation. After a conference with
the bishop and Brouillet, they visited the Cayuses, whom
they advised to take measures for avoiding a war with the
Americans. They requested Blanchet to write to Governor

15 Mr. James Grant was in charge of the Hudson s bay post at Fort Hall.

10 Joe Lewis, the half-breed already mentioned.
8

114 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Abernethy not to send up an army, but to come himself
in the spring and make a treaty of peace with the Cayuses,
who would then release the captives, whom they would in
the meantime refrain from injuring.

On the eighteenth of December Camaspelo of the camp
between Umatilla and Waiilatpu, paid a visit to the
bishop. He said the young men had u stolen his word,"
and misrepresented him that he had never consented to
the massacre; that he wanted to kill all his horses and
leave the country.

To this the bishop replied that there was a possibility of
peace, and advised that the chiefs should meet and decide
upon some course of action immediately, as delay only
increased the difficulties of the situation. Accordingly,
on the twentieth, the Cay use chiefs met at the Catholic
mission in grand council, Tauitowe presiding. Those pres
ent were Tiloukaikt, Five Crows, and Camaspelo, with a
number of sub-chiefs. The white men present were Blan-
chet, Brouillet, Rosseau, and Le Claire, all Catholic priests.
Blanchet opened the discussion by placing before the
Cayuses the propositions of the Nez Perces, namely, that
the Americans should not come to make war; that they
should send up two or three great men to make a treaty of
peace; that on the arrival of the commissioners the cap
tives should be released; that no offense should be offered
to Americans before learning what answer would be re
turned to these propositions.

Camaspelo spoke first in approval. Tiloukaikt then re
viewed the history of the nation from before the first com
ing of the white people: and acknowledged that previous
to the advent of the Hudson s Bay Company they had
always been at war; that where Fort Walla Walla now
stood nothing but blood was continually seen. But they
had been taught by white people there was a God who
forbade war and murder. He eulogized Mr. Pambrun,
who had so taught them ; referred to the killing of the
Nez Perce chief who accompanied Mr. Gray east in 1837;

THE CAYUSE WAR. 115

and of the killing of Elijah in California three years pre
vious, saying the Cayuses had forgotten all that, and lie
hoped the Americans would forget what had occurred at
Waiilatpu.

Five Crows suggested some additions to the propositions
already offered. Tauitowe said but little, excusing him
self by declaring that he was sick and not able to talk, but
favored the proposals. Edward Tiloukaikt arose, and dis
played a "Catholic Ladder" stained with blood, and re
peated what he asserted Dr. Whitman had said a short time
before his death: "You see this blood! it is to show you
that now because you have the priests among you, the
country is going to be covered with blood. You will have
nothing now but blood!" He then related the recent
events at Waiilatpu in the most detailed and minute man
ner, describing the sorrow of the bereaved families in
touching language, even of a single member of one family
left to weep alone over all the rest who had perished. He
repeated the story carried by Joe Lewis to the Indians, that
Dr. Whitman was poisoning them. Nothing was avoided
or left out, except the names of the murderers; of these he
made no mention.

After some time spent in deliberation, a manifesto was
agreed upon and dictated to the bishop, as follows:

The principal chiefs of the Cayuses in council assembled state :
That a young Indian who understands English, and who slept in
Dr. Whitman s room, heard the doctor, his wife, and Mr. Spalding
express their desire of possessing the lands and animals of the In
dians ; that he stated also that Mr. Spalding said to the doctor :
"Hurry giving medicines to the Indians that they may soon die ;"
that the same Indian told the Cayuses, " If you do not kill the doctor
soon, you will all be dead before spring;" that they buried six
Cayuses on Sunday, November twenty-eighth, and three the next
day ; that the schoolmaster, Mr. Rogers, stated to them before
he died, that the doctor, his wife, and Mr. Spalding poisoned the
Indians ; that for several years past they had to deplore the death
of their children; and that according to these reports, they were led
to believe that the whites had undertaken to kill them all ; and
that these were the motives which led them to kill the Americans.

The same chiefs ask at present :

116 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

First. That the Americans may not go to war with the Cay uses.

Second. That they may forget the lately committed murders, as
the Cayuses will forget the murder of the son of the great chief of
the Walla Wallas, committed in California.

Third. That two or three great men may come up to conclude
peace.

Fourth. That as soon as these great men have arrived and con
cluded peace, they may take with them all the women and children.

Fifth. They give assurance that they will not harm the Ameri
cans before the arrival of these two or three great men.

Sixth. They ask that Americans may not travel any more
through their country, as their young men might do them harm.

Place of Tauitowe, Youmatilla, twentieth December, 1847.
Signed. TILOUKAIKT,

CAMASPELO,
TAUITOWE,

ACHEKAIA.

To this document the bishop added a letter to Governor
Abernethy, concluding as follows : " It is sufficient to state
that all these speeches went to show, that since they had
been instructed by the whites they abhorred war, and that
the tragedy of the twenty-ninth had occurred from an
anxious desire of self-preservation, and that it was the
reports made against the doctor and others which led
them to commit this act. They desire to have the past
forgotten, and to live in peace as before. Your excellency
has to judge of the value of the documents which I have
been requested to forward to you. "Nevertheless, without
having the least intention to influence one way or the
other, I feel myself obliged to tell you that by going to
war with the Cayuses, you will likely have all the Indians
of this country against you. Would it be for the interest
of a young colony to expose herself? That you will have
to decide with your council."

The council of the Cayuses at the bishop s house was
hardly over, when a courier arrived from Fort Walla
Walla, notifying the Cayuses that Mr. Peter Skeen Ogden
of Fort Vancouver was at that place and desired to see
them without delay. A letter to the bishop was also

THE CAYU8E WAR. 117

received requesting his presence, but he being unable to
attend, Mr. Brouillet went in his place, to give an account
of what had passed at the council held at his mission;
this being, as he informs us, the first time any of the
fathers had ventured away from Tauitowe s camp since
his return from Waiilatpu after the burial of the victims.
The Indians could not be brought together before tl^ie
twenty-third, by which time the bishop also was present.

Of how Mr. Ogden came to take the important step he
did, the explanation will be given in the chapter which
follows. That his doing so was as wise as it was brave,
every historian must acknowledge. But to close this act
in the drama enacted in the Walla Walla valley, we con
tinue the narrative of what followed Ogden s arrival.

From the moment of his arrival on the evening of the
nineteenth until the morning of the twenty-third, no time
was lost, but every particle of information was gathered
up which would enable him to deal with the Cayuses, and
also the Nez Perces. The Cayuse chiefs present were
Tauitowe and Tiloukaikt, with about a dozen young men.
Mr. Ogden addressed them fearlessly and truthfully, yet
with that tact in keeping the advantage which is necessary
in dealing with undeveloped minds. Speaking of the
Hudson s bay people, "We have been among you for
thirty years," said Ogden, "without the shedding of blood;
we are traders, and of a different nation from the Ameri
cans; but recollect, we supply you with ammunition, not
to kill Americans, who are of the same color, speak the
same language, and worship the same God as ourselves,
and whose cruel fate causes our hearts to bleed. Why do
we make you chiefs, if you cannot control your young
inen? Besides this wholesale butchery, you have robbed
the Americans passing through your country, and have
insulted their women. If you allow your young men to
govern you, I say you are not men or chiefs, but hermaph
rodites who do not deserve the name. Your hot-headed
young men plume themselves on their bravery; but let

118 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

them not deceive themselves. If the Americans begin
war they will have cause to repent their rashness; for the
war will not end until every man of you is cut off from
the face of the earth? I am aware that man} r of your
people have died; but so have others. It was not Dr.
Whitman who poisoned them; but God who has com
manded that they should die. You have the opportunity
to make some reparation. I give you only advice, and
promise you nothing should war be declared against you.
The company have nothing to do with your quarrel. If
you wish it, on my return I will see what can be done for
you ; but I do not promise to prevent war. Deliver me
the prisoners to return to their friends, and I will pay you
a ransom ; that is all."

The people then in Oregon, it should seem, could never
be too grateful to Mr. Ogden for this happily worded
speech, which left them free to act as they should deem
wise, which compelled the Cayuses to yield to the Hud
son s Bay Company or lose their regard, and which left
the company in its former position of neutrality. It was
this avowal of neutrality nevertheless which was an offense
to many Americans. Yet how else could the company be
of service? If they were one with the Americans in this
quarrel, they could not offer blankets, but the sword. If
they avowed hostility, the captives would be the sacrifice.

The chiefs, although they must have seen they were
caught as in a trap, yielded. Tauitowe made it appear
that he did so out of consideration for the compaii}-, who
were his brothers because some of the Indian women were
wives to some of the company s people.

Tiloukaikt also recognized this claim, but he had mere
personal motives. "Chief!" said he, "your words are
weighty, your hairs are gray. We have known you a
long time. You have had an unpleasant journey to this
place. I cannot therefore keep the families back. I make
them over to you, which I would not do to another younger
than vourself."

THE GAYUSE WAll. 119

Peu-peu-mox mox declined to say anything, except that
he found the Americans changeable, but approved of giv
ing up the captives. It has been told upon as good au
thority as Dr. W. F. Tolmie of the Hudson s Bay Company,
that when a messeuger from Waiilatpu brought the news
of the massacre to the chief of the Walla Wallas, he was
asked what part he had taken in the bloody business, and
having answered that he had killed certain persons, Peu-
peu-mox-mox had ordered him hanged to the nearest tree.

This anecdote would seem to receive confirmation from a
postscript to a letter written by Mr. McBean of Fort Walla
Walla, on the day after the massacre, in which he says he
has "just learned that the Cayuses are to be here tomor
row to kill Serpent Jaune, 17 the Walla Walla chief." An
other anecdote told by J. L. Parrish, concerning Peu-peu-
mox-mox, relates that when the Cayuses proposed going
to war, he warned them not to judge the Americans fight
ing qualities by what they had seen of the immigrants,
for he had witnessed their fighting in California, where
every American was a man; from all of which it appears
that this chief at least, was not implicated in the killing
of the Americans in the Cayuse country. Whatever he
thought about the instability of the white people, he had
learned to fear them. His own instability he displayed at
a later period.

The ransom offered the Cayuses was fifty-three point
blankets, fifty shirts, ten guns, ten fathoms of tobacco, ten
handkerchiefs, and one hundred balls and powder. The
Nez Perce chiefs who had not yet returned home from the
council on the Umatilla, promised to release Mr. Spalding
and the Americans with him for twelve blankets, twelve
shirts, twelve handkerchiefs, five fathoms of tobacco, two
guns, two hundred balls and powder, and some knives. 18

Ogden wrote to Mr. Spalding, by the returning chiefs,

17 Serpent Jaune, or Yellow Serpent, was the French name for Peu-peu-mox-mox.

18 This is the amount, stated by Brouillet, who was present. The Oregon Spectator
of January twentieth makes it double that amount of ammunition, with twelve
niuts and thirty-seven pounds of tobacco.

120 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

that no time should be lost in getting to Walla Walla, and
to come without giving any promises to the Indians, not
aware that Spalding had already given his word to pre
vent the Americans from coming to avenge the murders.
Spalding replied to Ogden that he should hasten to join
him, and all the more, that the chiefs had assured him
that the Cayuses would kill all should they hear that the
Americans were coming with hostile design. A letter was
also sent express to the missionaries at Chemakane in
which Mr. Ogden declared his great fear lest something
should miscarry, an anxiety which had prevented him
from sleeping for two nights, and outlining the policy he
should pursue, which would be one to do nothing which
might in any way embarrass the government of the United
States in dealing with the murderers.

The anxiety expressed in this letter was occasioned by
a rumor which reached the Indians immediately after the
arrival of the Waiilatpu captives at Fort Walla Walla
December twenty-ninth that a company of riflemen had
arrived at The Dalles on their way to the Cayuse country.
Should this rumor be believed it would be almost certain
to cause Mr. Spalding s party to be cut off, and might make
the escape of those already with him impossible. No con
firmation, however, was received before Mr. Spalding ar
rived, who reached the fort January first, escorted by a
large party of Nez Perces, greatly to the relief of all con
cerned.

At noon on the second, the boats, with their fifty -seven
ransomed men, women, and children, with other passengers
arid provisions for the journey, 19 put off from the beach at
Walla Walla fort, eager and thankful to see the last of it.
Nor were they any too soon, for a few hours thereafter fifty
armed Cayuses rode up to the fort to demand Mr. Spalding
to be given up to be killed, as they had reliable news of
American soldiers en route to their country.

" Seven oxen and sixteen bags of coarse Hour were purchased from Tilonkaikt to

feed the people : Oregon Spectator, January 20, 1848.

THE CAYUSE WAIL 121

No account, at all intelligible has ever been written of
the month of captivity at Waiilatpu. All that has been
given to the world has been of a character to sadden the
heart for the violence of the passions exhibited, both then
and thereafter, in the effort of the sufferers by these calam
ities to make some one responsible for them. In weighing
the value of such evidence as wo have, it should be re
membered that the Indians steadfastly gave one principal
reason for their crime, although afterwards in excusing
themselves, they dragged in the loss of two young chiefs,
one a Nez Perces, and one a Walla Walla. The principal
motive was a sufficient one, as the student of Indian char
acter and customs must admit.

But the immigrants stopping at Waiilatpu could not
have known how to weigh such evidence. They had, per
haps, been led to believe from Dr. Whitman s remarks in
their hearing, that he feared the influence of Catholic mis
sionaries, but had not learned all his reasons for disquietude.
That the doctor s personal antagonism to the Catholics
has been somewhat exaggerated, seems to be shown by
several facts, but he did fear the effect of anything which
could cause contention among the Indians, involving their
teachers. It has been doubted that he gave Edward Tilou-
kaikt the " Catholic Ladder " stained with blood ; but that is
not improbable. He has simply been misunderstood or mis
represented. He probably meant, not to foreshadow his own
death, or the extermination of Americans, but to impress
upon Edward the thought that to introduce religious con
troversy among his people would be to afford cause for war.
It had been so in nations called enlightened how much
more to be apprehended among savages. But Tiloukaikt,
a savage, was shrewd enough to make use of that very in
dication of distrust to set up sectarian differences between
white people. Naturally, the priests, who had honestly
tried to do some good and alleviate so much evil, resented
the slurs cast upon them by those whom they had served,
and honce, much bitter controversy.

122 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

It is recorded in the sworn statements of some of the
captives, after their arrival in the Wallamet valley, that
they had said from the first, " The Catholics are at the bottom
of it." Yet why should they think that the Catholics were
responsible? They had been but a short time in the coun
try, and did not have an intelligent view of the situation
of affairs if the} 7 had understood them, they would not
have remained. The priests had been in the country even
a less time, and few, if any, of the immigrants had seen
them. Miss Bewley, who was an inmate of the doctor s
family, when questioned, under oath, whether she ever
heard Dr. Whitman express any fears concerning the
Catholics, replied: "Only once; the doctor said at table,
Now I shall have trouble; these priests are coming. Mrs.
Whitman asked : Have the Indians let them have land?
He said: I think they have. Mrs. Whitman said: It s
a wonder they do not come and kill ns. This land was
out of sight of the doctor s as you come this way (west of
the station). When the Frenchman was talking at Uma-
tilla of going to build a house there, he said it was a
prettier station than the doctor s."

What was there in this testimony to establish a criminal
intent on the part of the priests? Mrs. Whitman, when
she said -"it is a wonder they do riot come and kill us,"
was not speaking of the priests, but of the Indians, and
knew far better than Miss Bewley whereof she spoke.
And this was all that the witnesses among the captives
had to say of their actual knowledge of the state of Dr.
Whitman s mind; the rest was surmise, and the gossip of
idle people full of fears.

Poor wretches! they were witnesses to murder the most
foul ; to the theft and destruction of their property, and to
personal indignities the most indecent and cruel. 20 They

20 Great stress has been laid by some writers upon the fact that the Catholic
priests did not interfere to save Miss Bewley from the arms of Five Crows ; but from
her own evidence this chief sought to rescue her from indiscriminate abuse by
taking her to himself. Tn a deposition taken at Oregon City, February 7, 1S49, the
question was asked; " Did you have evidence that it was necessary for Hezekiah

THE GAYUSE WAR. 123

had lived in hell for a period long enough to change their
conceptions of the world and humanity, and they were
still too tremulous from injuries to be able to have a steady
judgment. According to their own representations, they
were as suspicious of each other as of their recognized
foes, and conspired to prove conspiracies among each
other. Like other lunatics their worst suspicions were
turned against their best friends; their sick brains were
incapable of comprehending the truth. And, as often
happens in complaints of this nature, the same phenomena
communicated itself, temporarily at least, to the whole
community.

Mr. Ogden found at The Dalles, as the Indians had
heard, a company of riflemen, whom Mr. Spalding, not
withstanding his word given to the Nez Perces, urged to
hasten up and surprise the Cayuses, naming only a few
who might be spared ; and this wholesale slaughter was to
be perpetrated to " save the animals of the mission !" Might
it not be said these people had become deranged?

On the eighth of December Mr. Ogden arrived at Van
couver, and on the tenth delivered the rescued Americans
into the hands of Governor Abernethy at Oregon City,
with Mr. Spalding s letter and the bishop s letter, together
with the manifesto of the Cayuse chiefs. It does not re
quire much imagination to conceive the excitement occa
sioned by the arrival of these unhappy people, nor the
influence it had on the conduct of the Cayuse war. Half-
crazed widows; young women who had suffered such

(Five Crows) to hold you as a wife to save you from a general abuse by the Indians?"
Answer: " I was overwhelmed with such evidence at Waiilatpu, but saw none of it
on the Umatilla." In the same deposition Miss Bewley says : "It was made known
to us (the captives) after a council, that Edward was to go to the big chief at the
Umatilla and see what was to be done with us, and specially with the young women;
and after his return he immediately commenced the massacre of the sick young
men, and the next morning announced to us that arrangements had been made for
Hezekiah to come and take his choice among the young women. * * * Hezekiah
did not come for me himself, but sent a man and a boy for the young woman that
was & member of Mrs. Whitman s family " ( Miss Bewley): Gray s History of Oregon,
500, 501.

If the men with families at the mission could not interfere, how could the priests
who had no other right than common humanity gave them? That right, Brouillet

124 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

indignities and brutalities that they wondered to find
themselves alive, among. Christian people; children who
had lost the happy innocence of childhood, whom suffer
ing had made old before their time; men who had become
craven through fear an avalanche of such misery poured
into the lap of a small community, still struggling with
the hardships of pioneer settlement, upheaved it from its
very foundations.

Governor Abernethy, eleven days after the delivery to
him of his rescued fellow countrymen, penned the follow
ing letter to Mr. Ogden :

OREGON CITY, January 19, 1848.

SIR : I feel it a duty as well as a pleasure to tender you my sin
cere thanks, and the thanks of this community, for your exertions
in behalf of the widows and orphans that were left in the hands of
the Cayuse Indians. Their state was a deplorable one, subject to
the caprice of savages, exposed to their insults, compelled to labor
for them, and remaining constantly in dread lest they should be
butchered as their husbands and fathers had been. From this state
I am fully satisfied we could not have rescued them ; a small party
of Americans would have been looked upon by them with contempt;
a larger party would have been a signal for a general massacre.
Your immediate departure from Vancouver on the receipt of the
intelligence from Waiilatpu, enabling you to arrive at Walla Walla
before the news of the American party having started from this
place reached them, together with your influence over the Indians,
accomplished the desirable object of relieving the distressed. Your
exertions in behalf of the prisoners will, no doubt, cause a feeling of
pleasure to you throughout life, but this does not relieve them nor
us from the obligations we are under to you. You have also laid
the American government under obligations to you, for their citi
zens were the subjects of this massacre, and their widows and or-

says they exercised by advising the Cayuses who attended the council at the bishop s
house to immediately give up the girls whom they had taken. "And then," he says,
" all entreated Five Crows to give up the one he had taken, but to no purpose." Up
to this time Miss Bewley had been permitted to remain at the bishop s house during
the day time, but after Five Crows refusal to give her up, Brouillet advised her to
insist upon being allowed to remain altogether at the bishop s house until definite
news came from below ; but if Five Crows would not consent she should stay with
him at his lodge. She came back, however, and was received and comforted as best
they could under circumstances so peculiar, and continued to share their bachelor
house with them until relief caine. The years that have elapsed have softened preju-
dices, and it is time to write impartially of a most interesting period of the state s
history.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 125

pbans are the relieved ones. With a sincere prayer that the widow s
God and the father of the fatherless may reward you for your kind
ness, I have the honor to remain,

Your obedient servant. GEORGE ABERNETHY,

Governor of Oregon Territory.
To Peter Skeen Ogden,

Chief Factor Hudson s Bay Company.

To this letter Mr. Ogden sent this significant reply:

FORT VANCOUVER, January 26, 1848.
Mr. George Aberncthy, Exq., Governor of Oregon:

SIR : I have to acknowledge the receipt of your highly Hatter-
ing letter of the nineteenth instant, and the high value you lay
upon my services in rescuing so many fellow creatures from cap
tivity, but the meed of praise is not due to me alone. I was the
mere acting agent of the Hudson s Bay Company, for without its
powerful aid and influence, nothing could have been effected, and
to them the praise is due, and permit me to add, should unfor
tunately, which God avert, our services be again required under
similar circumstances, I trust you will not find us wanting in going
to their relief.

Believe me, yours truly, PETER SKEEN OGDEN.

The rescued women and children were taken care ol by
the citizens, and settlers upon farms, many of the women
and girls being soon provided with homes by marriage.
Such of their propert} as had not been destroyed wa.s
finally recovered, while all became absorbed into the
young commonwealth.

The discussion of the causes which had brought about
the tragedy of Waiiiatpu went on unceasingly, to no other
purpose apparently than to gratify a craving for excite
ment. No one felt willing to lay any blame upon the
victims. The immigrants were unwilling to admit that
the catastrophe was caused by their introduction of a fatal
disease among the Indians. The cause must be sought
otherwheres. Where else could it- be looked for except in
the natural depravity of barbarians, incited, of course, by
some influence not American the French priests, or the
English fur company, or both together? Forgetful of the

126 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

services received, the latter view was the one generally
adopted by the Protestant missionary class, and which has
prevailed, almost uncontradicted, to the present time.

There was one great cause for the massacre of Waiilatpu
underlying all others, which was the neglect of congress
to keep faith with the people who settled Oregon. For
many years the promise had been held out, that if these
people would go to Oregon the United States government
would protect and reward them. It had done neither.
They were living on Indian lands that had never been
treated for, and to which they had no title. They had
not one government gun or soldier to protect two thousand
miles of road. They had no government, except a com
pact among themselves. Neither Dr. Whitman s threat
nor Dr. White s promises had been fulfilled to the Indians,
and they had no cause to believe they ever would be.
Even without the provocation of having lost a third of
their tribe by white men s disease, if not by poison crimi
nally administered, as they believed, the conditions all
pointed to an Indian war, for which the United States,
and not the people of Oregon, should have been held
responsible.

CHAPTER VI.

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1847-8 RECKIPT OF THE NEWS OF THE MASSACRE AT WAIILATPU

LETTER OF MCBEAN LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR
ABERNETHY CONDITION OF THE TREASURY OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

EFFORTS TO PROCURP: THE MEANS TO PUT TROOPS IN THE FIELD THE HUD
SON S BAY COMPANY DECLINE TO FURNISH MONEY COMMISSIONERS BORROW A
SMALL AMOUNT ON THE FAITH OF THE OREGON GOVERNMENT THE LEGISLATURE
AUTHORIZES THE RAISING AND EQUIPPING OF A REGIMENT OF RIFLEMEN Or-
FICERS APPOINTED A MESSENGER DISPATCHED TO WASHINGTON, AND ANOTHER
TO CALIFORNIA FAILURE OF THE LATTER.

LEAVING aside the causes which led up to the Waii-
latpu tragedy, it is time now to consider its consequences
to the Oregon colony.

On the seventh day of December, 1847, the provisional
legislature met at Oregon City. It consisted of the fol
lowing members:

From Clackamas county Medorum Crawford, J. M.
Wair, and S. S. White.

From Champoeg county W. H. Rector, W. H. Rees,
A. Chamberlain, A. Cox, and Robert Newell.

From Polk county J. W. Nesmith, and M. A. Ford.

From Yamhill county A. J. Hembree, and L. Rogers.

From Tuality county R. Wilcox, D. Hill, and J. L.
Meek.

From Clatsop county J. Robinson.

From Lewis county S. Plomondeau.

No representative of Vancouver county was present.

Robert Newell was speaker of the house.

On the eighth, Governor Abernethy sent in his message,
which contained the refrain already quoted in a previous
chapter saying " our relations with the Indians become
every year more embarassing," and that the robberies
committed by them should not be allowed to pass.

On the afternoon of the same day another communica
tion was received from the governor, accompanied by a

(127)

128 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

number of letters from Vancouver, sent by Mr: Douglas,
announcing the news which he had just received of the
murder of Dr. Whitman and family. The information
Mr. Douglas imparted was that contained in a letter
written by Mr. McBean, of Fort Walla Walla, a few hours
after the arrival at the fort of Mr. Hall, the first refugee
who reached there.

The following is a transcript of the copy of McBean s
letter furnished to the governor, preserved in the archives
of the state :

FOKT NEZ PERCES, 30th November, 1847.
To the Board of Management :

GENTLEMEN : It is my painful task to make you acquainted
with a horrid massacre which took place yesterday at Waiilatpu,
about which I was first apprised early this morning by an Amer
ican who had escaped, of the name of Hall, and who reached this,
half naked and covered with blood. As he started at the outset
the information I obtained was not satisfactory. He, however,
assured me that the doctor and another man were killed, but could
not tell me the persons who did it, and how it originated.

I immediately determined on sending my interpreter and one
man to Dr. Whitman s to find out the truth, and if possible, to
rescue Mr. Hanson s two sons and any of the survivors. It so hap
pened, that before the interpreter had proceeded half way the two
boys were met on their way hither, escorted by Nicholas Finlay, it
having been previously settled among the Indians that these boys
should not be killed, as also the American women and children.
Teloquait is the chief who recommended this measure.

I presume you are well acquainted that fever and dysentery has
been raging here, and in this vicinity, in consequence of which a
great number of Indians have been swept away, but more especially
at the doctor s place, where he attended upon the Indians. About
thirty souls of the Cayuse tribe died, one after another, who eventu
ally believed the doctor poisoned them, and in \vhich opinion they
were unfortunately confirmed by one of the doctor s party. As far
as I have been able to learn, this has been the sole cause of the
dreadful butchery.

In order to satisfy any doubt on that point, it is reported that
they requested the doctor to administer medicine to three of their
friends, two of whom were really sick, but the third only feigning
illness, and that the three were corpses the next morning. After
they were buried, and while the doctor s men \vere employed
slaughtering an ox, the Indians came one by one to his house, with

THE CAYUSE WAR. 129

their arms concealed under their blankets, and being all assembled,
commenced firing on those slaughtering the animal, and in a mo
ment the doctor s house was surrounded.

The doctor and a young lad, brought up by himself, were shot in
the house. His lady, Mr. Rogers, and the children had taken
refuge in the garret, but were dragged down and dispatched (ex
cepting the children ) outside, where their bodies were left exposed.
It is reported that it was not their intention to kill Mr. Rogers, in
consequence of an avowal to the following effect, which he is said
to have made, and which nothing but a desire to save his life could
have prompted him to do. He said: "I was one evening lying
down, and I overheard the doctor telling Rev. Mr. Spalding that it
was best you should be all poisoned at once ; but that the latter told
him it was best to continue slowly and cautiously, and that between
this and spring, not a soul would remain, when they would take
possession of your lands, cattle, and horses."

These are only Indian reports, and no person can believe the
doctor capable of such an action without being as ignorant and
brutal as the Indians themselves. One of the murderers, not being
made acquainted with the above understanding, shot Mr. Rogers.

It is well ascertained that eleven lives were lost, and three
wounded. It is also rumored they are to make an attack upon the
fort. Let them come ! if they will not listen to reason. Though I
have only five men at the establishment, I am prepared to give
them a warm reception. The gates are closed day and night, and
the bastions in readiness.

In company with Mr. Manson s two sons, was sent a young half-
breed lad, brought up by Dr. Whitman; they are all here, and have
got over their fright. The ringleaders in this horrible butchery are
Teloquait, his son, Big Belly, Tamsucky, Esticus, Taumaulish, etc.
I understand from the interpreter that they were making one
common grave for the deceased.

The houses \vere stripped of everything in the shape of property,
but when they came to divide the spoil they fell out among them
selves, and all agreed to put back the property. I am happy to
state the Walla Wallas had no hand in the whole business; they
were all the doctor s own people (the Cayuses). One American
shot another, and took the Indians part to save his own life. 1

Allow me to draw a veil over this dreadful affair, which is too
painful to dwell upon, and which I have explained conformably to
information received, and with sympathizing feelings.

1 The person here referred to was Joe Lewis, a half-caste American. It is just
possible that the Indians compelled him, as it was said they did Mr. Rogers, to make
a false statement, or to side with them; but the testimony of the captives made him
responsible for the massacre. Mr. McBean was reporting to his superiors what he
had learned from the only authority at hand.

130 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

I remain, with much respect, gentlemen, your most obedient
humble servant,

(Signed). WILLIAM McBEAN.

N. B. I have just heard that the Cayuses are to be here tomor
row to kill Serpent Jaime, the Walla Walla chief.

W. McB.

Names of those who were killed : Dr. Whitman, Mrs. Whitman,
Mr. Rogers, Mr. Hoffman, Mr. Sanders (schoolmaster), Mr. Osborne
(carpenter), Mr. Marsh, Mr. John Sager, Mr. Francis Sager
(brothers, youths), Mr. Canfield (blacksmith), Mr. (a tailor);
besides three that were wounded, more or less, Messrs. Hall, Kim-
ball, and another man whose name I cannot learn.

W. McB.

This information, only slightly inaccurate, was that
which was obtained the day after the massacre, first from
Mr. Hall, then from Finlay and the Manson boys, and
lastly from McBean s interpreter: 5 As soon as practicable
after the return of his interpreter, Mr. McBean dispatched
an express to Vancouver, with instructions to lose no time,
and to spread no alarm, his object being to get the news,
not only of the massacre, but of his own exposed situation
should the Cayuses carry out their rumored threat against
his post, to the board of managers before the tribes along
the river should learn what had taken place, or form any
combination with the Cayuses. 1

-This letter of McBean s, as here given, is faithfully copied from a copy made at
Fort Vancouver, appearing to be in the hand of C. B. Roberts. It differs only slightly
from several printed copies. It is preserved in the Oregon Archives MS., and num
bered 1032.

3 In a communication to the Walla Walla Statesman of March 16, 1866, Mr. McBean
says : " When my messenger arrived, Indian women, armed with knives and other
implements of war, were already assembled near the house where the captives were,
awaiting the order of the chief Tiloukaikt, who was present. On being informed of
my request ( not to commit any more murdeis, and on being told they had already
gone too far ), he hung down his head, and paused, then with a wave of his hand
peremptorily ordered the women away, who abusing him, called him a coward."
This, if true, would appear to be the second time Tiloukaikt s hand had been stayed.

4 This caution, necessary a& it evidently was considered by the prudent officers of
a company having a long acquaintance with Indians, was the subject of bitter ani
madversion by those who saw in it grounds of suspicion. The circumstances appear
from the evidence to have been these : Mr. McBean s messenger, on arriving at The
Dalles, desired Mr. Alanson Hinman, residing there, to assist him in procuring a
canoe to proceed to Vancouver. "I was very inquisitive," says Hinman, in a letter
to Governor Abernethy, "to know if there was any difficulty above. He said four

THE CAYUSE WAR. 131

A letter from Mr. Douglas to Governor Abernethy ran

as follows:

FORT VANCOUVER, December 7, 1847.
George Abernethy, Esq.:

SIR : Having received intelligence last night by special express
from Walla Walla of the destruction of the missionary settlement
at Waiilatpu by the Cay use Indians of that place, we hasten to
communicate the particulars of that dreadful event, one of the most
atrocious which darkens the annals of Indian crime.

Our lamented friend, Dr. Whitman, his amiable and accom
plished lady, with nine other persons, have fallen victims to the
fury of these remorseless savages, who appear to have been insti
gated to this appalling crime by a horrible suspicion which had taken
possession of their superstitious minds, in consequence of the num
ber of deaths from dysentry and measles, that Dr. Whitman was
silently working the destruction of their tribe by administering
poisonous drugs, under the semblance of salutary medicines.

With a goodness of heart and benevolence truly his own, Dr.
Whitman has been laboring incessantly since the appearance of the
measles and dysentry among his Indian converts to relieve their
sufferings ; and such has been the reward of his generous labors.

A copy of McBean s letter, herewith transmitted, will give you
all the particulars known to us of this indescribably painful event.
Mr. Ogden, with a strong party, will leave this place as soon as
possible for Walla Walla, to endeavor to prevent further evil ; and
we beg to suggest to you the propriety of taking instant measures
for the protection of Rev. Mr. Spalding, who, for the sake of his
family, ought to abandon the Clearwater mission without delay,
and retire to a place of safety, as he cannot remain at that isolated
station without imminent risk in the present excited and irritable
state of the Indian population.

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,

JAMES DOUGLAS.

Frenchmen had died recently, and he wished to get others to occupy their places."
Mr. Hinman, needing medicines for the sick Indians in his vicinity, offered to
accompany him, leaving his wife and child, Mr. McKiuney and wife, Dr. Saffaraus,
and Perrin Whitman at The Dalles. It was not until the messenger was below the
cascades that he revealed to Hinman his errand, and the particulars of the tragedy
at Waiilatpu. Mr. Hinman, naturally, was filled with anxiety for his family and
friends, and very indignant because the Frenchman had not disobeyed orders or
that he had received such orders. Yet, as it proved, this wasjthe very wisest course
to have pursued ; for had the Columbia river Indians gotten hold of the matter at
that time, before Mr. Ogden had time to see the Cayuses, he might not so easily have
prevailed on them to release the captives. Hinman s letter, written at Vancouver,
urges the governor to send a military company to The Dalles for his protection ; and
also men to rescue the women and children. Knowing this, and not knowing what
course the governor would take, compelled Mr. Ogden to say to the Indians that he
could not promise what the Americans would do.

132 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

The governor sent into the legislative assembly the
above letters, with the following message:

To the Honorable Legislative Assembly, Oregon :

GENTLEMEN : It is my painful duty to lay the inclosed commu
nications before your honorable body. They will give you the par
ticulars of the horrible massacre committed by the Cayuse Indians
on the residents at Waiilatpu. This is one of the most distressing
circumstances that has occurred in our territory, and one that calls
for immediate and prompt action. I am aware that to meet this
case funds will be required, and suggest the propriety of applying
to the Hudson s Bay Company, and the merchants of this place, for
a loan to carry out whatever plan you may fix upon. I have no
doubt but the expense attending this affair will be promptly met by
the United States government.

The wives and children of the murdered persons, the Rev. Mr.
Spalding and family, and all others who may be in the upper coun
try, should at once be proffered assistance, and an escort to convey
them to places of safety.

I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, your obedient servant,

GEORGE ABERNETHY.

While the hearts of the legislators were bursting with
pain and indignation for the crime they were called upon
to mourn, and perhaps to avenge, there was something
almost farcical in the situation. Funds! Funds to prose
cute a possible war! There was in the treasury of Oregon
the sum of forty-three dollars and seventy-two cents, with
an outstanding indebtedness of four thousand and seventy-
nine dollars and seventy-four cents. Money! Money in
deed! Where was money to come from in Oregon? The
governor s first thought had been the Hudson s Bay Com
pany. It was always the company the colonists thought
of first when they were in trouble. But there might be
some difficulty about a loan from that source. Had not
the board of London managers warned the Oregon officers
to avoid American securities, and "stick to their beaver
skins?" And had not Dr. McLoughlin resigned from his
position as head of the company in Oregon because the
London board reproved him for assisting immigrants, and
thereby encouraging the American occupation of the coun-

THE GAYUSE WAR. 133

try? And now there was an Indian war impending, with
onty these gentlemen who had been ordered to "stick to
their beaver skins" to turn to. There were the merchants
of Oregon City, to be sure a few hundred might be raised
among them. And there was the Methodist mission the
governor had not mentioned that but; well, they could
try it!

The first resolution offered after the reading of the doc
uments submitted by the governor, was the following, by
J. W. Nesrnith: "That the governor is hereby required
to raise arms and equip a company of riflemen, not to
exceed fifty men, with their captain and subaltern officers,
and dispatch them forthwith to occupy the mission station
at The Dalles on the Columbia river, and hold possession
of the same until reinforcements can arrive at that point,
or other means be taken as the government may think
advisable," which resolution was adopted. A committee
consisting of Nesmith, Rees, and Crawford was appointed
to wait upon the governor, which reported the executive s
answer, that he would "use his utmost endeavors;" and
the house immediately adjourned to attend a public
meeting.

It was a day of wrath as well as of sorrow and appre
hension. It hardly needed the stirring appeals of J. W.
Nesmith, II. A. G. Lee, and Samuel K. Barlow, to encour
age volunteering. A company of riflemen was enlisted at
once, which was sworn in, and officered the following day. 5

"The names of this first company raised for the defense of Oregon from Indian
warfare were : Samuel K. Barlow, Daniel P. Barnes, William Beekmaii, G. W. Bos-
worth, William Berry, Benjamin Bratton, John Bolton, William M. Carpenter, Henry
W. Coe, Stephen dimming, John C. Danford, C. H. Deifeudorf, Davia Everest, John
Fleming, John Finuer, John G. Gibson, Jacob Johnson, Samuel A. Jackson, James
Kester, John Lassater, H. A. G. Lee, John Lyttle, Henry Levalley, Joel McKee, J. H.
McMillan, George Moore, Joseph Magone. Edward Marsh, J. W. Morgan, Nathan
Olney, Joseph B. Procter, Thomas Purvis, Edward Robinson, John E. Ross, J. S.
Rinearson, John Richardson, B. B. Rogers, C. W. Savage, S. W. Shannon, A. J.
Thomas, O. F. Tapper, R. S. Tupper, Isaac Walgamoutts, Joel Witchey, George
Wesley, George W. Weston. The officers elected by the company were: H. A.
G. Lee, captain ; Joseph Magone, first lieutenant : John E. Ross, second lieutenant ;
J. S. Rinearson, orderly sergeant; J. H. McMillan, first duty sergeant; C. W. Savage,
second duty sergeant ; Stephen Gumming, third duty sergeant ; William Berry, fourth
duty sergeant.

134 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

By noon of the ninth the company was equipped as well
as, with the means at hand, it could be. Meanwhile, the
ladies of Oregon City had not been idle, but, assembling
at the "City hotel," presented the company with a flag,
which was delivered into their hands by Mr. Nesmith,
with words of eloquent meaning. The same afternoon the
company departed for Vancouver, in boats, amid great
excitement.

The legislature also passed a bill on the ninth, author
izing the governor to raise * a regiment of volunteers;"
which on the tenth was returned with objections by the
governor, amended and finally passed the same morning,
in these words:

Section 1. That the governor of Oregon territory be and is
hereby authorized and required forthwith to issue his proclamation
to the people of said territory to raise a regiment of riflemen by
volunteer enlistment, not to exceed five hundred men, to be subject
to the rules and articles of war of the United States army, and
whose term of service shall expire at the end of ten months, unless
sooner discharged by the proclamation of the governor.

Section 2. That said regiment of volunteers shall rendezvous at
Oregon City on the twenty-fifth day of December, A. D. 1847, and
proceed thence with all possible dispatch to the Walla Walla valley
for the purpose of punishing the Indians, to what tribe or tribes
soever they may belong, who may have aided or abetted in the mas
sacre of Dr. Marcus Whitman and his wife, and others at Waiilatpu,
or to be otherwise employed as the governor may direct.

Section 3. That the legislature of Oregon shall appoint one
colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, and one major to officer said reg
iment of volunteers when raised by the governor as provided for
in the first section of this bill ; and, further, that the legislature also
appoint a commissary-general, whose duty it shall be to keep a
regular account of the disbursements of all the fund placed at his
disposal, and faithfully perform all other duties pertaining to his
office, and who shall perform the duties of quartermaster-general
for the army.

Section 4. Said regiment shall be organized into companies, to
consist each of not more than one hundred or less than fifty men ;
and each company shall elect their own officers, to wit: One captain,
one first and one second lieutenant, one orderly sergeant, and four
duty sergeants.

Section 5. That Jesse Applegate, A. L. Lovejoy, and George L.
Curry be and are hereby authorized and empowered to negotiate a

THE GAYUSE WAR. 135

loan not to exceed one hundred thousand dollars for the purpose of
carrying out the provisions of this act ; and that said commissioners
be and are authorized to pledge the faith of the territory for the pay
ment of such sum as may be negotiated for by said commissioners,
on the most practicable terms, payable within three years from date
of said loan, unless sooner discharged by the government of the
United States.

Section 6. Said loan may be negotiated for gold and silver, or
such goods as may be necessary for the use of the army ; provided,
however, that the holder of such goods be required to deduct from
the loan the value of the goods negotiated for, but remaining in his
hands at the cessation of hostilities.

No sooner was this bill passed than the loan commis
sioners set out for Vancouver, accompanied by the govern
or. The gentlemen at that place no doubt anticipated the
visit, and had a knotty question to settle. To do, or not
to do, what was required of them? To do it, might involve
them with the company might indeed ruin the Oregon
trade with the Indians, who could only hunt and trap
when they were at peace. Should they furnish the means
of destroying their own business, and take the risk of
being cashiered? Not to do it, was to bring upon them
selves the suspicion and hatred of the Americans then in
the country, and to tempt them to make war upon the
company, in which case the opinion of the world would
be against them, for weighing beaver skins in the balance
with the safety of a colony of their own race. But was the
safety of the colony really involved? Might not Mr.
Ogden in some way so adjust matters that war could be
avoided, at least until the long expected troops of the
United States should be in the field? An informal con
versation was held on this subject immediately after the
arrival of the commissioners at Vancouver, and on the
next day they addressed the following letter to Mr.
Douglas :

FORT VANCOUVER, O. Ty., December 11, 1847.
To James Douglas, Esq., Chief Factor of the Hudson s Bay Co.:

SIR: By the enclosed documents you will perceive that the
undersigned have been charged by the legislature of our provis-

136 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

ional government with the difficult duty of obtaining the means
necessary to arm, equip, and support in the field a force sufficient to
obtain full satisfaction of the Cay use Indians for the late massacre
at Waiilatpu, and protect the white population of our common
country from further aggression.

In furtherance of this object, they have deemed it their duty to
make immediate application to the honorable Hudson s Bay Com
pany for the requisite assistance.

Tho clothed with power to pledge to the fullest extent the faith
and means of the present government of Oregon, they do not consider
this pledge the only security to those who, in this distressing emer
gency, may extend to the people of this country the means of protec
tion and redress. Without claiming any special authority from the
government of the United States to contract a debt to be liquidated
by that power, yet from all precedents of like character in the history
our country, the undersigned feel confident that the United States
government will regard the murder of the late Dr. Whitman and
his lady as a national wrong, and will fully justify the people of
Oregon in taking active measures to obtain redress for that outrage,
and for their protection from further aggression.

The right of self-defense is tacitly accorded to every body politic
in the confederacy to which we claim to belong, and in every case
similar to our own, within our knowledge, the general government
has promptly assumed the payment of all liabilities growing out of
the measures, taken by the constitutional authorities, to protect the
lives and property of those residing within the limits of their dis
tricts.

If the citizens of the states and territories east of the Rocky
mountains are justified in promptly acting in such emergencies,
who are under the immediate protection of the general government,
there appears no room to doubt that the lawful acts of the Oregon
government will receive like approval.

Should the temporary character of our government be considered
by you sufficient ground to doubt its ability to redeem its pledge,
and reasons growing out of its peculiar organization be deemed
sufficient to prevent the recognition of its acts by the government
of the United States, we feel it our duty, as private individuals, to
inquire to what extent, and on what terms, advances may be had
of the honorable Hudson s Bay Company to meet the wants of the
force the authorities of Oregon deem it their duty to send into the
field.

With sentiments of the highest respect, allow us to subscribe
ourselves, your most obedient servants,

( Signed ). JESSE APPLEGATE,

A. L. LOVEJOY,
GEO. L. CURRY.

THE GAYUSE WAR, 137

The tone of this communication, which argued in its
own defense, before it was questioned, clearly shows that
a negative answer was apprehended. Applegate, who had
been made chairman of the commission on account, as
much of his friendship for and high standing with the
officers of the Hudson s Bay Company as his acknowl
edged abilities and patriotism, was sufficiently well ac
quainted with the internal conditions of the company not
to be greatly disappointed at receiving the reply of the
chief factor.

FORT VANCOUVER, December 11, 1847.
To Jesse Applegate, A. L. Lovejoy, and George L. Curry, Esquires:

GENTLEMEN : I have the honor of your communication of this
date, and have given an attentive perusal to the documents accom
panying it. With a deep feeling of the importance of the object
which has procured me the honor of your present visit, and the
necessity of the measures contemplated for the punishment of the
Cay use Indians, and for the future protection of the country, I can
on the present occasion only repeat the assurance verbally given in
our conversation of yesterday, that I have no authority to grant
loans or make any advances whatsoever on account of the Hudson s
Bay Company, my orders on that point being so positive that I can
not deviate from them without assuming a degree of responsibility
which no circumstances could justify to my own mind. It is, how
ever, within the spirit and letter of my instructions from the Hudson s
Bay Company, to exert their whole power and influence in main
taining the peace of the country, and in protecting the white popu
lation from Indian outrage. The force equipped and dispatched at
their sole expense, to Walla Walla, under the command of Mr.
Ogden, immediately on receiving the intelligence of the disastrous
event at Waiilatpu, is an earnest of our attention to the calls of
humanity. The object of that expedition is, with the blessing of
God, to prevent further aggression, to rescue the women and chil
dren who survived the massacre from the hands of the Indians, and
to restore them to their afflicted friends.

Trusting that these objects may be successfully accomplished, I
have the honor, etc.,

JAMES DOUGLAS,
Chief Factor Hudson s Bay Company.

For this attitude of the Hudson s Bay Company the
commissioners were not unprepared, and had already re
solved upon their course of action. Governor Abernethy,

138 . INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Jesse Applegate, and A. L. Lovejoy became personally
responsible for such supplies as were necessary to furnish
and forward to The Dalles, the company of Oregon rifle
men already on the way. The amount of credit thus
obtained was within a few cents of one thousand dollars.
Thus the commissioners set the example of self-sacrifice
and devotion to country.

Before leaving Vancouver, Governor Abernethy issued
his first general -order to Captain Lee, of the volunteer
company on its way to The Dalles, in language as fol
lows :

FORT VANCOUVER, llth December, 1847.

SIR : On receipt of this you will with all dispatch proceed with
the company under your command to The Dalles, on the Columbia
river, and occupy the mission station there until otherwise ordered.

As the Indians in that neighborhood are friendly to the whites,
you will see that their property and persons are not molested, at the
same time keeping them at a distance, not permitting them to
crowd into the camp. If they have any business in the camp, as
soon as this business is disposed of, see that they are gently con
ducted outside. If you hear of any property in the neighborhood
that has been stolen from the immigration, endeavor to get it into
your charge, keeping an exact account of all property thus obtained.
I remain, sir, yours truly,

GEO. ABERNETHY,
Governor of Oregon Territo^.

To Capt. H. A. G. Lee,

First Company, Oregon Riflemen.

Returning immediately to Oregon City, the commission
ers called a meeting, and addressed a circular to the
"merchants and citizens" of Oregon, which differed from
the letter to Mr. Douglas only in the concluding para
graphs, which were couched in these words:

Though the Indians of the Columbia have committed a great
outrage upon our fellow-citizens passing through their country, and
residing among them, and their punishment for these murders may,
and ought to be, a prime object with every citizen of Oregon, yet,
as that duty more particularly devolves upon tjie government of
the United States, and admits of delay, we do not make this the
strongest ground upon which to found our earnest appeal to you for

THE CAYUSE WAR. 139

pecuniary assistance. It is a fact well known to every person
acquainted with Indian character, that, by passing silently over
their repeated thefts, robberies, and murders of our fellow-citizens,
they have been emboldened to the commission of the appalling
massacre at Waiilatpu. They call us "women," destitute of the
hearts and courage of men, and if we allow this wholesale murder
to pass by, as former aggressions, who can tell how long either life
or property will be secure in any part of this country, or at what?
moment the Willamette will be the scene of blood and carnage ?

The officers of our provisional government have nobly performed
their duty. None can doubt the readiness of the patriotic sons of
the wesi to offer their personal services in defense of a cause so
righteous. So it rests with you, gentlemen, to say whether our
rights and our firesides shall be defended or not. Hoping that none
will be found to falter in so high and so sacred a duty, we beg leave,
gentlemen, to subscribe ourselves your servants and fellow-citizens.

Then follow the names.

A letter similar to the foregoing appeals was addressed
to Rev. William Roberts, superintendent of the Oregon
mission (Methodist). On the fourteenth of December tin*
commissioners reported as follows to the legislature:

To the Honorable Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory :

The undersigned commissioners appointed by your honorable
body for the purpose of negotiating a loan to carry into effect the
provisions of an act to authorize the governor to raise a regiment of
volunteers, etc., have the honor to inform you that, fully realizing
the heavy responsibilities attached to this situation, and the pecu
liarly difficult nature of their duties, they at once determined to act
with promptness and energy, and to leave no honorable effort
untried that might have a tendency to a successful termination of
this undertaking. They accordingly proceeded to Fort Vancouver
on the tenth instant, and there addressed a communication to James
Douglas, chief factor of the Hudson s Bay Company, a copy of
which (marked A) will be found among the accompanying docu
ments. The commissioners had anticipated the unfavorable reply
of Mr. Douglas, as agent of the Hudson s Bay Company, and its
only effect was to heighten their zeal and to occasion them stronger
hopes of a more satisfactory reliance upon the citizens generally of
our common country. However, two of the commissioners, with
the governor, became responsible for the amount of the outfit for
the first regiment of Oregon riflemen, being nine hundred and
ninety-nine dollars. Not at all disheartened by the unsuccessful

140 TNDTAN WAILS OF OREGON.

issue of their mission, the commissioners returned to this city on
the thirteenth instant, and at once entered into negotiations, the
revelation of which herewith follows.

It will be seen, by document marked C, the commissioners,
through a public meeting held at Oregon City on the night of the
thirteenth instant, addressed the merchants and citizens of Oregon,
at which meeting, from citizens general^, a loan of about one
thousand dollars was effected.

Document marked D will show the correspondence on the part
of the commissioners with Rev. Mr. Roberts, superintendent of the
Oregon mission. The negotiations are not yet concluded entirely,
yet the commissioners feel safe in reporting a loan from this source
of one thousand dollars.

The commissioners are happy to state that they have succeeded
in negotiating a loan of one thousand six hundred dollars from the
merchants of Oregon City, with, perhaps, a likelihood of further
advance. The commissioners feel well assured, from the interest
manifested by our fellow-citizens in the matter, and prompt action
they have proposed to take in several counties in the territory to
assist the commissioners in the successful discharge of their duties,
that the government will ultimately succeed in negotiating an
amount adequate to the present emergency of affairs. The commis
sioners would beg your honorable body, with as little delay as
possible, to appoint appraisers, whose duty it shall be to set a cash
value upon produce and other property, which may be converted
into means to assist the government in its present operations.
Therefore, gentlemen, as we believe we can no longer be useful to
our fellow-citizens as a board, we hope to be permitted to resign our
trust into the hands of the proper accounting officers of this govern
ment. JESSE APPLEGATE.

A. Li. LOVEJOY.
GEO. L. CURRY.

The resignation of the first board of loan commissioners
was accepted, and a resolution of thanks adopted by the leg
islature. A second board was appointed on the twentieth,
consisting of A. L. Lovejoy, Hugh Burns, and W. H. Will-
son, who remained in office until the close of the war.

Equipping a regiment for ten months in the field, with
a credit of less than five thousand dollars, but a small part
of which was in cash, was what the Oregon colonists were
now committed to. The loans, excepting the minimum of
money, were drawn on wheat ( the currency of the country ),
provisions of all kinds, arms, ammunition, leather, cloth-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 141

ing, and whatever thing could be converted to use in the
commissary and quartermaster s department. A system
of small loans, obtained by solicitors who gave government
bonds for what they received at prices fixed by govern
ment appraisers, was the means next resorted to by the
legislature for providing the sinews of war. It was an ex
pensive method, but unavoidable, nor did the people
shrink from contributing in this manner of their substance
to support the army of defense which was to save the re.
mainder of their property and their lives from destruction.
Appraisers were appointed in every county and settlement
who valued every article obtained, from a horse to a pound
of lead, a bridle or a trail-rope, of which some examples
will be given hereafter.

On the tenth of December, before visiting Vancouver,
Mr. Applegate addressed a communication to the legisla
ture, urging the necessity of immediately dispatching a
messenger to Washington to acquaint the government of
the United States with the condition of the Oregon colony,
and to ask assistance. His argument was that such a
measure would inspire the capitalists of Oregon to make
advances, and encourage enlistment.

This letter of Mr. Applegate s has reference to the dis
turbed political condition of the colony, owing to a strife
between the missionary element, which had hitherto con
trolled affairs, and the then more numerous settler popu
lation, each being desirious of securing certain objects,
and certain offices, whenever the federal government
should see fit to establish a territory on the Pacific coast.
Governor Abernethy, the head of the mission party, had
in October, privately dispatched J. Quinn Thornton to
Washington to look after the interests of his party, which
action, when it became known, had inspired the mass of
the people, not adherents of the missionary faction with a
rancor not before felt, and which influenced the tone of
the legislature. Aware of all this, Mr. Applegate, in rec-

142 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

oramending the sending of a messenger to congress, ad
monished the legislature to restrict the bearer of dispatches
to the federal government from carrying any communica
tion whatever other than those intrusted to his charge by
that body, or official documents from the executive.

"That such restriction is necessary," he wrote, "must be
evident to your honors, when you take into consideration
that in order to unite the whole population of Oregon
with you in the vigorous prosecution of this just war, and
to encourage capitalists to advance means to meet its
immediate expenses, the measures furthering this object
should be kept entirely separate and distinct from all civil
measures and partisan feelings."

The same day Mr. Nesmith offered, and the legislature
adopted, the following resolution : " Resolved, That in view
of our critical situation with the powerful tribes of In
dians inhabiting the banks of the Columbia, and with
whom we are actually in a state of hostilities, it is the
duty of this legislature to dispatch a special messenger,
as soon as practicable, to Washington City, for the purpose
of securing the immediate influence and protection of the
United States government in our internal affairs," a copy
of which was furnished to the loan commissioners, with
what effect we have seen.

A day or two later, Mr. Nesmith introduced a bill pro
viding for sending a special messenger to the United
States, which the legislature passed on the fifteenth, and
one of their own number Joseph L. Meek, a fearless and
talented, if illiterate, mountain man, w r as selected to be the
bearer of dispatches to the president of the United States
and a memorial to congress.

The memorial, prepared by a committee appointed by
the legislature, contained these pathetic passages: "Hav
ing called upon the government of the United States so
often in vain, we have almost despaired of receiving its
protection. * * We have the right to expect your aid
and you are in duty bound to extend it. For though we

THE CAYUSE WAR. 143

are separated from our native land by a range of moun
tains whose lofty altitudes are mantled in eternal snows;
although three thousand miles, nearly two-thirds of which
is a howling wild, lie between us and the federal capital,
yet our hearts are unalienated from the land of our birth.
Our love for the free and noble institutions under which
it was our fortune to be born and nurtured, remains un
abated. In short, we are Americans still, residing in a
country over which the government of the United States
has the sole and acknowledged right of sovereignty; and
under such circumstances we have the right to claim the
benefit of its laws and protection."

The bill providing for a messenger authorized him to
proceed with all dispatch, by way of California, to Wash
ington City, and lay before the executive of the United
States such official communications as he should be
charged with. It required him to take an oath faithfully
to perform his duties to the best of his ability, but left
him to be compensated by the government of the United
States; authorizing him to borrow, if he could, on the
faith of the Oregon government, five hundred dollars for
his expenses, and requiring him to give bonds in a
thousand dollars for the faithful execution of his trust.

The borrowing of five hundred dollars for this purpose,
in addition to the amounts secured by the loan commis
sioners, was a task nearly as great as that of conveying
the official documents to their destination, as may be
learned from references to Meek s efforts in letters found
in the Oregon archives. It was a task requiring time and
industry, and often failed to bear the hoped-for fruit.

Meek s credentials from the governor were contained in
this brief letter of introduction:

OREGON CITY, December 28, 1847.
To His Excellency, James 1C. Polk, President of the United States:

SIR: The bearer, Joseph L. Meek, Esq., has been appointed by
the legislature of Oregon territory, special messenger to carry dis-

144 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

patches to Washington City. This journey will be an arduous one,
and I would recommend him to the favorable notice of your excel
lency.

I have the honor to be, etc.,

GEORGE ABERNETHY,
Governor of Oregon.

Meek, like most of the men at this time in Oregon, was
in the prime of life, and had a young family to provide
for. He could not start at once on a journey of several
thousand miles, leaving nothing for them arid taking
nothing himself. Neither did he agree with the governor
as to the route best to be pursued, Abernethy wishing him
to go to California, with dispatches for Governor Mason,
and thence east; but the experienced mountain man was a
better judge of the business before him than the executive,
and chose to accompany the volunteers to the seat of war,
and to take the immigrant route, which he had been one
of the first to travel, as an immigrant, and which led
through a country with which he was familiar. This
decision, owing to various impediments in the way of the
army, retarded his movements, until the patience of the
executive was exhausted, as we shall see hereafter.

On the twenty-fifth of December, after a secret session
of the legislature to confer with the governor, there was
issued the following proclamation :

In consequence of the low state of the finances of this country,
and the general impression being that the Indians of the upper
country were not united, a small force was thought sufficient to
proceed to Walla Walla to punish the Cayuse Indians, and a proc
lamation was issued by me asking for one hundred men, since which
information has been received here which leads to the belief that the
Indians have united, and the force ordered out in that case being
insufficient, I therefore call on the citizens of the territory to furnish
five hundred men, and appoint the following persons brevet captains
to enroll such citizens as may wish to enlist, viz., Wesley Shannon,
John Ford, and Thomas McKay, Champoeg county; John Owens,
Wm. Williams, and John Stewart, Polk county; Philip Thompson,
George Nelson, and Felix Scott, Yamhill county; Isaac W. Smith,
and Benjamin Q,. Tucker, Tualatin county; James Officer, Clack-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 145

amas county. The enlistments to.be for six months, unless sooner
discharged by proclamation.

Each man will furnish his own horse, arms, clothing, and
blankets. The companies will bring all the ammunition, percussion
caps, and camp equipage they can, for which they will receive a
receipt from the commissary -general. Colonel Cornelius Gilliam
will remain at Oregon City until the first companies arrive at Port
land, when he will take command, and proceed forthwith to Walla
Walla. Lieutenant-Colonel James Waters will remain until the
rear companies arrive at or near Portland, when he will take com
mand and proceed to Walla Walla.

Companies will rendezvous at Portland, or opposite Portland on
or before the eighth day of January, 1848. Whenever a sufficient
number of volunteers arrive on the ground at Portland they will
organize and proceed to elect their officers, viz., one captain, one
first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one orderly sergeant, and four
duty sergeants.

Companies will consist of eighty-five men, rank and file. If any
company should be formed in the counties smaller or larger, they
will be regulated after they arrive on the ground.

As the commissary-general will not be able to furnish a sufficient
quantity of provisions for the army, the citizens of the territory are
called on to deliver to his agents all the provisions they can, that
the operations of the troops may not be impeded for want of pro
visions. Agents will be appointed by him at Salem, Yamhill Ferry,
Champoeg, Butte, and Portland.

Tn witness whereof, I have signed my name and affixed the seal
of the territory at Oregon City, this twenty-fifth day of December,
1847.

GEORGE ABERNETHY.

Two days later A. L. Lovejoy was elected by the legis
lature to the office of adjutant-general, and Commissary-
General Palmer was made also superintendent of Indian
affairs.

While Meek was making haste slowly, in the matter of
carrying dispatches to Washington, Governor Abernethy
prepared .to execute, or cause to be executed, his purpose
of sending an express to California.

The legislature had passed resolutions requiring first,

the drafting of a letter to the American consul at the

Sandwich Islands, "representing our affairs, and imploring

any assistance which he may be able to render" the com-

146 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

mittee consisting of Nesmith, Rice, and Rector; second,
the commander-in-chief of the naval and land forces in
California was " requested to furnish us all the assistance
in his power, not inconsistent with his instructions, or his
duty to his country;" and, third, that a copy of the pre
ceding resolution should be sent to the commander-in-
chief in California.

On the twenty-seventh of January, the governor for
warded to Jesse Applegate these documents, with a letter
instructing him if he could not go on this mission, to em
ploy some other person. The following is the governor s
letter:

OREGON CITY, January 25, 1848.

DEAR SIR : As Mr. J. L. Meek is still at The Dalles, and does
not intend going to California, Rev. H. H. Spalding proposed ad
vancing a sum not exceeding five hundred dollars, to be paid at
Vancouver any time after March twentieth next, for the purpose of
sending a messenger with dispatches to California. I immediately
proposed you as the man, and as the Vancouver funds will just
answer your purpose, and can at the same time render essential ser
vice to this country by informing the proper authorities of California
of our situation, I see nothing in the way to prevent your immediate
departure. If you conclude to go, let me know how much you will
require to fit out the mission. If a government vessel comes up soon
you can return on her.

I received a letter from Major Lee last Sunday, in which he in
forms me briefly, he has had a skirmish with the Indians who were
running off the cattle. Some of our men went to bring them back,
not seeing but two or three Indians ; but twenty-five of them were
hidden among the hills and rocks. Fortunately, more men were
sent out, when a fire was opened upon them, and a running fight
took place. One of our party was wounded in the leg. It was
thought some of the Indians were killed, as two horses saddled were
left on the field. Soon after this, our own men being out on an ex
pedition, brought in about sixty horses, so this puts the party on
horseback.

Thus you see the war is opening, and the Indians are uniting
against the Americans. You cannot set forth in too strong a light
the absolute necessity of a man-of-war being sent forthwith. We see
that the Indians look on the Hudson s Bay Company as friends ; on
the Americans as enemies; Catholics remain unharmed among them;
Protestants are murdered. Why that is so I cannot say; but that
it is so, we all know. Mr. Spalding says that the Indians say that

THE CAYUSE WAR. 147

no American or Protestant shall live among them. They know
they murdered both Americans and Protestants. I should like to
see you before you start, but this would be wasting time. This
package contains letters and papers for Commodore Shubrick and
Governor Mason. I have not time to write any more, but hope to
learn in a few days that you have left, and I hope you will succeed
in inducing a man-of-war to visit us. Should you need a small sum
in advance, you can draw on me, and 1 will draw on Mr. Spalding
for the amount. Remember you will be going south and getting
into a warmer climate.

I remain yours truly, GEO. ABEBNETHY,

Governor of Oregon.
To Jesse Applegate.

No man in the colony was more capable in every way
of undertaking such a mission than Mr. Applegate. United
to physical strength were the scientific attainments of a
practical surveyor, the culture of a man of letters, and the
bearing to make him respected by men of affairs. Although
belonging to the settlers party in politics, his patriotism
overtopped all partisan feeling, and he bent every energy
to accomplish the common good. Abernethy could not
have selected more wisely a bearer of dispatches of such
importance. Having accepted the trust, he set about his
preparations 6 without loss of time. We find him writing
to General Palmer, February second, " The party from the
institute (Salem) with our blankets have not arrived, but
we start in the morning, blankets or not." How much he
had the country s interest at heart is revealed in the clos
ing paragraph of the same letter: "I intended before my
departure to have written at length to you on the subject
of the treaty with the Indians, but time presses, and the
hurry of departure, and the anxiety I feel in regard of
my private business and the safety of my wife and family,
unfits my mind for calm investigation. Of one thing rest
assured, that I have the strongest faith in your devotion to
the cause of our country, your sound sense, and cool judg
ment; and whether you are successful or not, I, for one at

6 James M. Fulkerson was the assistant commissary in Polk county, who made the
purchases for the California expedition. He received his appointment through Ap
plegate.

148 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

least, will consider you deserving of success." Also, "I
have written to Newell on the subject of the Indian war.
Perhaps you will see the letter."

The expedition consisted of sixteen men, namely, Levi
Scott, captain of the escort, Jesse Applegate, bearer of dis
patches, James M. Fields, John Minto, Walter Monteith,
Thomas Monteith, James Lemon, William Gilliam, George
F. Kibbler, A. E. Robinson, J. M. Scott, William J. J.
Scott, Solomon Tetherow, Joseph Waldo, James Campbell,
and E. C. Dice. 7

The attempt to carry an express to California in mid
winter, was a hazardous one even for a party composed of
mountain men, trained to overcome the vicissitudes of
travel at all seasons. Scott and Tetherow were men of a
large experience, but the others were chiefly young men,
new to the frontier, and although brave to meet dangers
to which they were accustomed, unfit to encounter the
terrors of the wilderness in its most repellant mood.

There were at this date no settlements south of Lane
county. The whole country was soaked with rains, except
at an elevation great enough to turn the rain to snow.
The route to California lay through that region roamed
over by the Molallas, Klamaths, Rogue River, and Shasta
Indians, making it necessary to stand guard at night to
prevent their horses being stolen. But the party refused
to regard themselves as "martyrs to their country s cause,"
and took enjoyment from spying out the land which was
to flow with milk and honey for their descendants if not
for themselves.

"Around the evening camp-fire," says John Minto, "we
listened to the sage utterances of our chief, whose dis
courses on political and natural science were a valued en
tertainment, varying this with the songs of Tom Moore,
sung by Fields and myself, and echoed in the hearts of

"Applegate and Minto give only sixteen names, while the muster roll gives
eighteen. Minto says that he went as a substitute for Evans ; and others may have
failed after enlisting. John W. Owens, mentioned by Applegate, went with the
army to Waiilatpu, and there joined Meek s expedition.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 149

all for who has written songs like the Irish bard?"
Two weeks were spent in reaching the foot of the Siski-
you range of mountains; and here defeat if not worse was
presented to them. It was evident that the horses could
not be taken over the extraordinary depth of snow between
Rogue river valley and Klamath lake. The situation now
became one of extreme gravitv. From a letter addressed
by Mr. Applegate to the writer of these pages, the follow
ing extracts are made, as an interesting contribution to
the history of this period:

To give up the expedition and return without further effort was
not to be thought of. Abandon the horses and outfit, and continue
the journey on foot we could not, for many of the party were un
equal to so laborious an undertaking ; arid to attempt to take them
with us would so delay the party as to cause us all to starve together,
thereby defeating the purpose of the expedition. It was

urged that half our number, or even ten would be too small a party
to stand guard on the march, unless Scott and his son John were
with them. I believe it possible, with Tetherow, the two Scotts,
and the two Mouteiths, to run the gauntlet of the Indians, over
come the natural obstacles, and some one of the six reach Sutter s
Fort ; and if thereby we saved Oregon from the tomahawk and
scalping knife of the savage, the survivors, if any, would deserve
well of their country, and those who fell would die in the perform
ance of a high, holy, and patriotic duty. But I could not have
these chosen companions. When a division of the company

was effected, the two Scotts, Waldo, Campbell, Dice, Kibbler, and
( I think ) Owens, were to return with the horses. Tetherow, .the
two Monteiths, Lemon, Minto, Robinson, Fields, and myself were
to continue on foot. The only thing known by any of the

party about snowshoes was that I had once seen a pair used by the
northern Indians for going on loose snow. We aimed to imitate
these shoes, but could get nothing in the vicinity of our camp better
than willow for the bows; nor for weaving the meshes than strings
cut from old rawhide, which on trial were found altogether too weak
to sustain our weight upon the snow. Each man had a pack of ten
days provisions of flour and bacon, some salt, ammunition, a blanket,
a pair of extra socks, a heavy rifle and a pistol, all of the weight of
fifty pounds the packs being carried on our backs. * * * At
length all were ready, and I led the way as guide. Our route lay up
Jennie creek, about a mile north of the present road to the lake
country. Through all that long day, as often as I looked behind
me to see what progress my companions were making, I never once

150 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

saw them all at the same time ; some were slowly aud painfully
making their way, others with only a head or leg above the snow,
and others entirely hidden under it. Ludicrous as the accidents
sometimes were, the situation was far too serious for laughter or
even conversation; it was a funeral procession where each mourner
expected himself to be a corpse.

The February sun shone bright through the day and softened the
snow on top ; but as night approached it became intensely cold. A
clump of dead aspens furnished us firewood, and a huge Lambert
pine broke away a little of the keenness of the wind from our camp ;
but it was too cold to sleep in our single blankets ; and around that
stick fire were discussed subjects the gravest that it ever falls to the
lot of man to consider.

The last to arrive in camp was James Fields. He w r as a large,
rather fleshy man, weighing over two hundred pounds. He carried
an extra heavy pack and rifle, so that his snowshoes had to sustain
a weight of about three hundred pounds. As soon as the duties of
the camp were completed, Mr. Fields addressed the expedition to
the following effect: "It is my painful duty, gentlemen, to an
nounce that I can accompany you no further on this expedition.
It has been only by the assistance I have received from others, and
the fortunate crusting of the trail this evening that I am able to
camp with you tonight, not two miles from the place of starting.
It is impossible for me to accomplish the remaining twenty miles
of snow that we know lies before us on this mountain. I regret
that I volunteered upon this walking expedition, not so much
because of the loss of my own life, as that by overrating my ability
to perform it I occupy the place of some better man, where men
are already too few. Before I joined this expedition in the Walla-
met valley I fully understood the gravity of the undertaking.
Against the performance of so great an object I weighed my own
life as nothing ; in fact, if one only of the party should reach the
end of the journey, and the rest fell by the way, the object of the
expedition would be cheaply obtained. My loss will, I know, in
crease your dangers and hardships ; but I yield to inexorable cir
cumstances. I will get off the snow in the morning while the trail
is hard, and take my chances alone with famine and the savages.
I am not so pusillanimous as to die in this camp, or throw my life
away without an effort."

This speech was received in profound silence. No man ventured
to express what was in his heart, lest he should be alone. When
the silence was broken, Tetherow alone remained firm to the expe
dition. With him alone, brave, strong, and powerful as I knew
him to be, I felt success was impossible. We should be not only
throwing away our lives uselessly in the attempt, but the lives of
the young men with us, who were as helpless to go back without us
as we to go forward without them. A vote was then taken on two

THE CAYUSE WAR. 151

propositions first, to leave Mr. Fields to his fate and proceed,
Fields voting "aye" and the others "no;" second, to divide the
party equally and go on, Fields voting " no " with the rest, because
he believed a division of the party would cause the destruction of
both parts. * I shall always honor Fields as the most de

voted and illustrious patriot I have ever met.

The party turned back the following morning, and by
forced marches overtook the mounted division in a couple
of days, returning with them to their homes, and all hope
of land communication with California was abandoned.
The only vessel leaving the Columbia river during the
winter was the English bark Janet, bound to the Sand
wich Islands, nor was there any American vessel in the
river before March. The colonists were left, really as rhe
torically, to fight their own battles. How they performed
this duty will be seen in the following chapters.

CHAPTER VII.

LETTER OF JAMES DOUGLAS REPLY OF GOVERNOR ABERNETHY DEPARTURE
FOR THE SEAT OF WAR GENERAL ORDERS THE COMMISSARY-GENERAL AND PEACE
COMMISSIONER AT FORT GILLIAM ARRIVAL AT THE DALLES GILLIAM DISPLEASED

ORDERS THE ARMY FORWARD THE CAYUSES ATTACK, AND OPPOSE THE CROSSING
OF THE UMATILLA ARRIVAL AT WAIILATPU AVOIDANCE OF THE INDIANS BY THE
COMMANDER DEPARTUPvE OF MEEK S PARTY FOR WASHINGTON A COUNCIL HELD
WITH THE INDIANS BATTLE OF THE TOUCHET DEATH OF GILLIAM PROMOTION
OF LEE TO THE COMMAND or THE ARMY.

IT is time now to turn to the military operations of the
Oregon government. Among the doings of the legislature
which referred to its attitude towards the Cayuses, after
authorizing the governor to raise a regiment of volunteers,
was the election hy that body of regimental officers, which
resulted in making Cornelius Gilliam, colonel-command
ant; James Waters, lieutenant-colonel; H. A G. Lee, major,
and Joel Palmer, commissary-general. On the same day,
December fourteenth, and before the letter of Bishop Blan-
chet had been written, recommending to the governor this
identical course (which bad first been suggested by the
Nez Perces), a resolution was passed "that a delegation of
three persons be appointed by this house to proceed imme
diately to Walla Walla, and hold a council with the chiefs
and principal men of the various tribes on the Columbia,
to prevent, if possible, the coalition with the Cay use tribe
in the present difficulties." The appointment of these com
missioners was, however, left to the governor, who named
Joel Palmer, Robert Newell, and Major H. A. G. Lee, than
whom no more competent men for this duty could have
been selected among the Americans, and much was hoped
from their sagacious handling of the Indian intelligence.

(152)

THE GAYUSE WAR. 153

It will be remembered that the prisoners in the hands
of the Cayuses were not liberated until the last of Decem
ber, and did not arrive until the tenth of January. Pre
vious to this date all that was known of events in the
upper country was what had been communicated in Mr.
McBean s letter of November thirtieth, and although the
determination to punish the murderers was firmly fixed
in the public mind, it was not thought wise to make any
warlike movement to excite the Columbia river Indians,
but only to send one company to The Dalles to preserve
the property of the mission at that place, and prevent the
loss of immigrant property left there in charge of certain
friendly Indians to await the opening of spring, when it
could be removed to the Wallaraet valley. The appoint
ing of peace commissioners was a measure resorted to with
the purpose to disabuse the Indian mind of any prejudice
against the Americans which the Cayuses were supposed
to be laboring to create; and also, to prevent any coalition
between the Indians east of the mountains and those still
resident in the Wallamet, for there was much alarm felt
among the settlers in remote sections, who watched every
movement of their dusky neighbors with suspicion, and
often with terror. Many of the children of pioneers still
revert with horror to nights when they feared to go to sleep,
and when the father of the household kept watch beside
his arms, not knowing but their safety depended on his
sleeplessness. The Indians took advantage of this state of
things to exhibit unusual insolence, and even to make
threats and circulate terrifying rumors. The object of a
peace commission was to defeat any attempts to continue
these mischievous influences and prevent their becoming
actual hostilities.

The legislature also passed an act prohibiting the sale
of firearms and ammunition to the Indians. (This act
was modified by the legislature of 1849 as unjust to a peo
ple which lived by the chase, and whose sustenance was
being cut off by the spoilations of the superior race.)

154 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

There is nothing more convincingly apparent in the
conduct of the early settlers of Oregon than that they
were not wilfully cruel to the natives If there were race
wars, it was not because one race sought to exterminate
the other from unreasoning hatred, but from that incom
patibility of interests which always exists between savage
and civilized men. The iron wheel of progress never
stops because the weaker is being crushed by it; it only
presses on, while the strong grows stronger by mere force
of circumstances, and without obvious intention. Thus
while Americans of European descent struggled with and
overcame nearly insurmountable difficulties on the north
west coast, the more numerous but inferior children of
the soil perished because of them, but not by their design.
The Indians themselves perceived, in a blind sort of way,
the hand of destiny, and often prophesied that they should
all be dead before they enjoyed even the doubtful benefits
of adoption by the United States government "and then
what good will blankets do us?" they asked.

The more intelligent of the Americans realized that a
general Indian war meant to them infinite horrors, and to
the Indians ultimate extermination, and that the best
interests of both would be subserved by peace. The Hud
son s bay officers had every motive to desire peace that
the Americans had, and the additional one, that war
would destroy the company s business. They believed
that the terrible event which brought on the crisis might
have and should have been avoided by the missionaries;
and that the sacrifice of a few individual interests should
not have weighed against the welfare or safety of the
whole American population in the country. The expres
sion, though carefully guarded, of this sentiment, caused
in many minds a feeling of bitter resentment against the
company, and coupled with the company s refusal to
furnish means to carry on the war, led many of the un
thinking and the prejudiced to believe that the extermi
nation of the Americans would have been agreeable to

THE CAYUSE WAR. 155

the English corporation, from whom so many acts of
neighborly kindness had been received.

The company of forty-five men, under Captain H. A. G.
Lee, had pushed forward to The Dalles immediately after
receiving its outfit at Vancouver, in order to protect the
property of the mission at that place, and to keep open a
line of communication with the Walla Walla valley. In
Lee s first letter to the governor, he made complaint that
Mr. Ogden, in passing down with the captives, paid for
the usual services of the Indians at that place with the
customary few charges of powder and ball; but not to
have done so would have been to give serious offense, and
to have furnished an excuse for joining the Cay uses
against all the white population in the country. 1

Lee wrote that the Indians about The Dalles appeared
friendly, and to have committed no hostile acts except
thefts of goods belonging to the immigrants, which, on
the advent of an armed force, they hastened to restore,
with professions of good will.

Siletza, a Des Chutes chief, was, however, regarded as a
suspect, although he does not appear to have deserved it;
and Thomas, a Dalles Indian, entrusted with the guardian-

1 In his private correspondence with Lee, Governor Abernethy said : " I regret
Mr. Ogden s course, paying powder and ball to the Indians": Oregon Archives, MS.,
85H. That there was a disposition to criticise Ogden, on Lee s part appears from an
other letter of the governor, in which he remarks : " Mr. Canfield, I believe it was,
says yon are mistaken as to Mr. Ogden s remark, as he was present. He says Mr.
Ogden meant our party of fifty men would be insufficient. He made no remarks
down here calculated to stop the enterprise, in my presence": Oregon Archives,
MS., SCO. In a letter to Dr. W. F. Tolmie, in charge of Fort Nisqually, Douglas in
structed him as follows January eighteenth: "The legislature has passed a law
prohibiting the sale of powder, lead, and caps to all Indians. I consider it a danger
ous measure, which will excite the Indians more and more against the Americans ;
they will starve without ammunition, and distress may drive them to dangerous
courses. They will prey upon the settlements and slaughter cattle when they can
no longer hunt the deer. Represent this to the Newmarket men. ( American set
tlers at Tumwater on the south end of Puget Sound.) It is oppression, not kindness,
that will drive the Indians to acts of hostility. Use all your influence to protect the
Newmarket people, and tell them to be kind and civil to the Indians. Use your dis
cretion about the powder and lead prohibition ; you need not enforce the law if it
endangers the safety of the country. The Americans about this place are all ex
claiming against it, and are serving out powder to the Indians themselves, to protect
their stock. You ought, in my opinion, to get the fort enclosed immediately, and
bastions put up at two of the corners. If your own people are not sufficient, hire
hands to assist you ; the sooner that precaution is taken, the better."

156 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

ship of the immigrant wagons and property left at Barlow s
gate of the mountains, was also considered treacherous by
Dr. Henry Saffarans, Indian agent at The Dalles by ap
pointment of Governor Abernethy, but without apparent
justification at this time, as he was retained in service by
the volunteers, and proved a useful auxiliary. 2

But so shaken was the confidence of the white residents
at The Dalles, in all Indians, that it could not be restored.
Mr. Hinman, who it will be remembered accompanied
McBean s messenger to Fort Vancouver, returned with
Ogden to The Dalles for his family, whom he was advised
to remove, until peace was restored, to the Wallamet. On
their way down the river, Saffarans, being behind him,
was alarmed by seeing a fleet of canoes approaching, and
Hinman also mistaking Lee s company for Indians, fled
into the woods. SafFarans, however, subsequently returned
to The Dalles, and resumed his duties as agent, finding
the Indians about his agency, either through fear or friend
ship, more tractable than he expected.

Before the army, which was congregating at Portland,
could move up the river, it was necessary to establish a
base of supplies at the cascades, and a few men were sent
to that point by the commissary-general about the last of
December to erect a storehouse, and possibly a block
house. 4 The only structures he succeeded in erecting were
some cabins at the upper landing, and these with the
greatest difficulty. But the place was dignified by the
name of Fort Gilliam, although the volunteers more often
spoke of it as "The Cabins."

The history of this little post in the heart of the great

- His services were certified to by Captain Maxon, in order that he might collect
pay. The certificate is dated April 26, 1852.

3 Gilliam wrote his wife he had a tedious time in Portland. He " had to be colo
nel, major, adjutant, captain, sergeant, and everything else."

4 Says Abernethy in a letter to Lee, January first : " I think, if there is any pros
pect of a general war with Indians, of building a blockhouse at the cascades, keep
ing a small force there, and, if possible, mount one or two guns " : Oregon Archives,
MS. 851.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 157

Oregon Sierras became a most interesting one. It was
here that the hardest struggle of the war was carried on
not in fighting Indians, but in keeping the men in the
field who had undertaken to do the fighting. In point of
fact, the commissary department was charged with the
principal burden of the war, and the title of "general"
which Palmer acquired through being at the head of this
department, might well have been bestowed upon him for
his services in sustaining the organization of the army
under conditions such as existed in Oregon in 1847-48.
Without arms, without roads, without transportation, other
than small boats and pack horses, without comfortable
winter clothing and with scanty food, the war was to be
carried on at a distance of nearly three hundred miles
from the settlements. And if the volunteer soldiers were
called upon to endure these hardships, which General
Palmer was doing his best to overcome, the commissioned
officers were no less embarrassed by the want of the most
ordinary appliances of their rank or position even to
the want of a proper field glass! Says Governor Aber-
nethy in a letter to Lee, written January fifth, before Col
onel Gilliam had started from the rendezvous: "Mr.
McMillan has the spyglass and papers. He can tell
you we are getting lots of pork, and some wheat. * * *
Perhaps we can get some small cannon ; I hope so." Also,
under the same date: "There is considerable ammuni
tion in one of Mr. Whitcomb s wagons; but it would not
do to overhaul any wagons out at the gate where they are,
as the Indians might overhaul after you. This step is dis
cretionary with you." 5

Lee, meanwhile, was finding out the temper of the
Indians above The Dalles. On the eighth of January a

5 Oregon Archives, 859. Letters from various persons concerning affairs at Fort Gil
liam, give graphic accounts of their condition. There is among the papers in the
Oregon archives a receipt given by Lieutenant-Colonel James Waters, January 22,
1848, for " four pairs pants, two coats, seven pairs shoes, six cotton shirts, two flan
nel shirts, one wool hat, three pairs socks, two comforters, four camp kettles, twenty-
four tin cups, ten pounds tobacco, fifteen pounds flour. On the same paper is a
memorandum : " Distributed for the use of the army at Fort Gilliam, January thir
tieth, one pound of powder ; receipted for at Portland."

158 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

party of them was discovered gathering up the stock left
by the immigrants at the mission with the apparent
intention of driving it away. A detachment of seventeen
men was ordered out, and Lee went in pursuit of the rob
bers, when a running fight ensued which lasted two hours,
in which Sergeant William Berry was wounded. Three
Indians were killed, and one wounded. The marauders,
twenty- three in number, were well mounted, while some
of the volunteers were on foot. The advantage thus
given the Indians enabled them to drive off the herd of
three hundred cattle a serious loss in a country desti
tute of provisions. During the skirmish the Indians
repeatedly called out, "We are good Cay uses; come on,
you Americans, and fight us ! "

On the following morning a detachment going out to
help in the Des Chutes chief, Siletza, who had been robbed
for refusing to join the thieves, about one-third of whom
were Cay uses, captured sixty Indian horses, regarded as a
poor offset to three hundred beef cattle.

As this act of hostility occurred immediately after Mr.
Ogden with the captives passed The Dalles, it was no
doubt undertaken by the Cay uses in retaliation for the
apparent violation of the agreement made at the council
in the Cayuse country, that commissioners should be sent
up to treat for peace, and that during the interim no war
measures should be adopted by either side. The presence
of armed men at The Dalles, and the rumors of more
expected, dissolved the compact, of which freedom the
Cayuses hastened to take advantage.

About this time Colonel Gilliam was enabled to make a
start for The Dalles, with a single company, several others
being on the way to the rendezvous in Portland. As
Abernethy had written to Lee, it was a task to get several
hundred men together, prepared to be absent from homes
where they were needed, for a period of six months.

The colonel of the first regiment of Oregon riflemen

THE CAYUSE WAE. 159

was a man in the prime of life, of impulsive temper,
brave, headstrong, but conscientious. An immigrant of
1844, he was deeply imbued with the "fifty-four-forty or
fight" political ideas of the Polk presidential campaign,
and still cherished radical sentiments in regard to the
rights of the English occupants of the country. 6 He was,
in short, of that order of men who fought and prayed
with an equal degree of earnestness, the Oliver Crom wells
of the frontier states, and was quite capable of believing
the English fur company guilty of cherishing heinous
designs towards the American colony.

Just when public feeling was most sensitive, there had
come to Oregon City the captives, with their wild conjec
tures as to the cause of their fearful wrongs. Naturally,
having a high respect and regard for Dr. Whitman and
his calling as a missionary teacher, and feeling the deepest
sorrow for his fate and that of Mrs. Whitman, they re
called as "confirmation strong as proof of holy writ,"
every chance expression of sectarian aversion to, or sus
picion of the Catholics which had been let fall in their
hearing, and with Mr. Spalding s assistance, who had
quickly forgotten his obligations to Rev. Brouillet, and
the suggestions of other even more intolerant sectarians
in the Wallamet, had convinced, themselves that religious
bigotry had led the Catholics to instigate the crime of the
massacre.

One of the strongest proofs in their view, was that none
of the Catholics about the mission, or in the Cayuse coun
try, were included in the slaughter; entirely ignoring the

6 Cornelius Gilliam was forty-nine years of age, and by birth a North Carolinian,
though he had removed to Missouri while still a child. In 1830 he was commissioned
sheriff of Clay county in that state. He served in the Black Hawk Indian war, begun
in 1832, and in the Seminole war in Florida in 1835. In the campaign of 18S7-8, under
General Taylor, he served as captain of a company, and was captain in the state
militia used to expel the Mormons from Missouri, being raised to a colonelcy for
meritorious conduct. Soon after he was elected to the legislature from 1 Andrew
county. In 1844 he led a large company of immigrants to Oregon. Having been
ordained to the work of the ministry in the Freewill Baptist denomination, on set
tling in Polk county, he organized a church in the Gage settlement on the North
Luckiamute, and officiated as its minister.

160 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

fact that the war was against Americans only, and that,
the Catholics were not only foreigners, but French-Cana
dians, with whom the Indians had no quarrel whatever;
and also overlooking the fact that all the help which had
come to them in their distress, had been rendered by these
same Catholic foreigners, whose only offense was that they
knew the Indians well enough not to offend them by too
open sympathy with their prisoners. To have provoked
their resentment in this crisis, would have only had the
effect to bring on a second massacre, in which none would
have been spared.

Again, the Hudson s Bay Company was denounced as
Catholic, its employes being French-Canadians, and its
former head, Dr. McLoughlin (who about this time had
retired from the service to settle among the Americans at
Oregon City), having been converted to Catholicism soon
after the coming of Blanchet to Oregon. It counted as
nothing against these prejudices that Mr. Douglas, Mc-
Loughlin s successor, Mr. Ogden, Mr. McKinlay, Mr. Erma-
tinger, and many other officers and clerks of the company
were Protestants all were under condemnation.

It is necessary to recall this condition of the public mind
in Oregon at this time in order to make clear all that fol
lowed. It should at the same time be remembered that
the period at which the events here recorded occurred, was
one of great religious feeling; that the average Christian
of that day was pledged in his own conscience to be a
bigot; and that the sensibilities of the Protestant world
had been shocked only a few years before by the burning
of bibles in New York City by Catholics. Under these
circumstances and influences a large degree of intolerance
was to be expected. It would be well to remember at the
same time that one of the valued qualities of a strong man
is to be a good hater. In this respect Colonel Gilliam and
a number of the religious men in the country were un
usually strong.

The politics of the Methodist mission, of which Gov-

THE GAYUSE WAR. 161

ernor Abernethy was financial agent, were decidedly anti-
Hudsou s bay, as its religion was anti-Catholic. It hap
pened then that when all the documents relating to the
council with the Nez Perces, and Mr. Spalding s letter to
the bishop of Walla Walla, in which he said, "My object
in writing is principally to give information through you
to the Cayuses that it is our wish to have peace; that we
do not wish the Americans to come from below to avenge
the wrong; we hope the Cayuses and Americans will be
on friendly terms; that Americans will no more come in
their country unless they wish it. As soon as these men
return, I hope, if alive, to send them to the governor to
prevent Americans from coming up to molest the Cayuses
for what is done. * * * Our help, under God, is in
your hands and in the hands of the Hudson s Bay Com
pany " were given into the governor s hands by Mr. Og-
den, he desired to suppress those portions of it which
revealed the duplicity of the author, pardonable perhaps
under the circumstances, but Mr. Ogden would not con
sent, saying that if any part were to be published the
whole must be, in justice to all concerned.

This position of the Hudson s Bay Company for Og
den was second in command at Vancouver though emi
nently just, was offensive to the ultra anti-British and
anti-Catholic party, and most of all to Colonel Gilliam,
who before setting out for The Dalles, was said to have
declared his intention of pulling down Fort Vancouver
about the ears of its inmates.

There is a humorous side to this effervescence of national
dislike, namely, that many believed he could carry out this
threat; and that the company believed that he would, or
at least that he might attempt it; wherefore, under pre
tense of being afraid of the Indians, it proceeded to
strengthen its walls, and mount its unused ordnance.

The following correspondence remains in evidence of
how near the provisional government of Oregon was
brought to a war with Great Britain:
11

162 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

FORT VANCOUVER, December 31, 1847.
To Governor George Abernethy, Esq.:

SIR : A rumor having been in circulation for some days past,
that it is General Gilliam s intention to levy contributions on the
Hudson s Bay Company s property, for the purpose of completing
the equipment of the troops ordered out in your late proclamation
for the intended operations against the Indians, I feel it my duty to
communicate with you frankly on the subject, as it is most import
ant in the present critical state of our Indian relations that there
should be an entire absence of distrust, and that the most perfect
unanimity should exist among the whites of every class. From my
personal knowledge of General Gilliam, and his highly respectable
character, I should be the last person to believe him capable of com
mitting an outrage which may prove so disastrous in the immediate
and remoter consequences to the peace and best interests of this
country ; at the same time, as the representative of a powerful
British association, it becomes my duty to take instant measures
for the protection of their property, until I receive through you a
distinct disavowal of any such intention as herein stated. Difficul
ties of that nature were certainly not contemplated by us when we
dispatched a large part of our effective force into the interior for the
purpose of receiving the unfortunate women and children, the sur
vivors of the massacre at Waiilatpu, who remained in the hands of
the Indians. It was never supposed that our establishment would
be exposed to insult or injury from American citizens, while we
were braving the fury of the Indians for their protection.

Such a proceeding would, in fact, be so inconsistent with every
principle of honor and sound policy, that I cannot believe any
attempt of the kind will be made ; but I trust this explanation will
satisfactorily account for any unusual precaution observed in the
present arrangement of this establishment.

Trusting that this note will be observed at your earliest conven
ience, I have the honor to be your most obedient servant,

JAMES DOUGLAS,
Chief Factor Hudson s Bay Company.

To which letter Governor Abernethy replied :

OREGON CITY, January 3, 1848.

SIR : I received your favor of the thirty-first ultimo yesterday
evening, and in answering it would thank you for your frankness
in communicating with me on the subject. Having had conversa
tion with Colonel Gilliam on this subject, he has no intention of
levying contributions on the Hudson s Bay Company s property
for any purpose whatever. He will probably cross the Columbia
river at the mouth of the Sandy. I trust that nothing will occur

THE CAYUSE WAR. 163

that will in any way cause distrust among the whites during this
crisis. * * * I trust the disavowal in this letter will prove satis
factory to you.

GEORGE ABERNETHY,

Governor of Oregon Territory.

But the commander of the Oregon army did not cross
at the Sandy. Starting with two hundred and twenty
men he arrived at Vancouver the same day in company
with Commissary-General Palmer, where together they pur
chased, on their own credit, eight hundred dollars worth of
goods necessary to complete the outfit of the companies.
The men were mounted but had no pack horses, and the
provisions were conveyed in boats, which, owing to their
slow movements, delayed the progress of the troops. On
arriving at the cascades a portage of several miles was nec
essary to reach Fort Gilliam,and the ferry there established.
The wind blowing through the gorge of the mountains
made crossing to the Oregon side very difficult. A road
from the lower to the upper end of the portage being a
necessity in order to transport the cannon and other heavy
material, .a company was left behind to open it.

Colonel Gilliam was met at "The Cabins" by a dispatch
from The Dalles with the news of Lee s first skirmish with
the Indians, and hastened forward as rapidly as was pos
sible, without waiting for the cannon, the commissary-gen
eral, or the other peace commissioners.

The orders issued to Colonel Gilliam, January 29, 1848,
were contained in the following letter:

SIR : I received dispatches from Major Lee, under date twentieth
instant, in which he informs me that he had had a skirmish with a
small party of Indians. On receipt of this you will select some of
your best men and horses and scour the Des Chutes river country,
if you have an idea that Indians hostile to the whites are in that
neighborhood. It will require great caution on your part, as com-
mander-in-chief in the field, to distinguish between friends and
foes; but when you are certain they are enemies, let them know the
Americans are not women. The nine-pounder has been forwarded
to the cascades. If the Indians fort themselves it will be of great

164 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

service to you. You will make The Dalles headquarters until
further orders. Companies are still being formed throughout the
country, and will be forwarded on to join you at The Dalles as they
come in. Perhaps the hostile Indians may come down to meet
you. Give them liberty to get close as you think they will venture
before you commence operations. If you think there is any danger
of a party of Indians attacking Fort Gilliam at the cascades, send
as many men to protect it as you think will be necessary.
I remain, sir, you obedient servant,

GEORGE ABERNETHY,

Governor of Oregon Territory and Commander-in-Chief.
Col. C. Gilliam,

First Regiment Oregon Riflemen, The Dalles.

A little later the following letter and order were sent:

DEAR SIR : As Lieutenant Ross leaves this morning, I send the
enclosed order. I do not know your situation with regard to the
Indians, and must leave the field at your discretion, to act as you
think most advisable. My reasons for retaining you at The Dalles
is that the companies now forming and expected next week may
join you; that the commissioners may also join you, and that you
may send word on to the Indians that no friendly tribes will be
attacked; that all you want is the murderers, and a restitution of
stolen property. If they will bring the murderers down to The
Dalles, and agree to make restitution for the property stolen and
destroyed, let them know that our operations will cease, provided
they, the chiefs, enter into a treaty to protect American citizens
passing through their country. This, in substance, you might say
to the chiefs every opportunity. I hope you may succeed in bring
ing this serious affair to a speedy, and to yourself, a praiseworthy
end. I have full confidence that you will do all you can to protect
friendly Indians. Keep a sharp lookout for Siletza without letting
him know it.

I remain yours, GEORGE ABERNETHY,

Governor of Oregon Territory.

Col. C. Gilliam,

First Regiment Oregon Riflemen.

OREGON CITY, 3d February, 1848.

SIR : I have appointed Major Lee and Robert Newell commis
sioners to act with General Palmer, superintendent of Indian affairs,
for the purpose of settling the present difficulty with the Indians in
the upper country. I have ordered them to hold a council with the
field officers of the army to decide on the steps necessary to be
taken, as there should be entire unity between the officers and the

THE GAYUSE WAR. 165

commissioners. If you think it best to proceed at once with the
main body of the army to Waiilatpu, do so ; selecting immediately
on your arrival the best point, in your judgment, for erecting a
fort. Grass, water, and wood will be the principal objects. The
Indians have no cannon, and could not annoy a fort from a dis
tance. Should the tribes combine and refuse to comply with the
requisitions of the commissioners, I leave the field in your hands,
respecting, however, the lives and property of all friendly Indians.

I shall wait with much anxiety to hear from you, until when, I
remain, sir, your obedient servant,

GEORGE ABERNETHY,

Col. C. Gilliam, Governor of Oregon Territory.

First Regiment Oregon Riflemen.

About the last of January, Colonel Gilliam led one
hundred and thirty men, all that could be mounted and
equipped, as far east as Des Chutes river, with the
object of punishing those Indians who had driven off the
immigrant cattle. Their village was believed to be on
the high plain, about twenty miles above the Des Chutes
crossing, on the east side, and Lee, who had received his
commission as major, and taken the oath administered by
Gilliam, was sent forward to discover it. The Indians had
already discovered ihim, and were moving their families
and property towards the mountains when overtaken.
He threw his little force against them, one Indian being
killed, and two (women) captured, with a number of
horses. On returning to camp with the news, he was
attacked while passing through a ravine by a mounted
and well-armed force, which, firing upon him, compelled
his men to dismount and seek shelter among rocks and
bushes, where the detachment remained until dark, an
noyed by avalanches of stones rolled down upon them,
but sustaining no loss.

On the day following the whole force went in pursuit of
the enemy, which was found and attacked, losing several
men killed, a large number of horses, a few cattle, and
one thousand and four hundred dollars worth of stolen
property which was found cached in the hills. Their
village was destroyed, but the old people in it were spared.

166 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

The troops had one man wounded in the hip. Skirmish
ing with the troops under Major Lee continued for several
days, with a loss to the army of three men killed and
one mortally wounded. 7 The Indians engaged were Des
Chutes, John Days, and Cay uses. Edward, son of Tilou-
kaikt, was among the latter, and received a wound. It is
recorded by Palmer that the yelling of the troops so far
exceeded that of the Indians, the latter were demoralized,
and fled from the field. Yells were certainly cheaper than
ammunition, if not so patent to diminish the enemy s
force.

Apropos of fighting material at this time, we find Wes
ley Shannon, ordnance officer, writing on the twenty-sixth
of January: "The regiment made a heavy draw toda.y
before starting, in the ammunition line. I have issued
about one thousand rounds today, which has taken nearly
all the rifle powder and lead; percussion caps also very
scarce. Out of fifteen thousand that I have receipted for,
there are but five thousand left. The army will return in
a few days, when, I have no doubt, there will be a demand
for more ammunition than there is now in the ordnance
office."

When peace commissioner and Commissary -General
Palmer, with Newell, arrived at Fort Gilliam they found
many things to trouble them. The cannon that had ar
rived at the lower cascades was still there. The boats
above the falls were in bad condition ; there was need of
a good portage, or a boat that could be run up the rapids,
with a crew that could run it. "I believe," says Palmer,
"that a system of smuggling has been carried on by those
running the boats. Numbers of Jews come up as passen
gers who are boarded by the boat s crew, select their own
property and return with it, paying the captain of the boat
in cash or otherwise. Frequently flour barrels are opened,

The reports say William Stillwell, shot in the hip by arrow; "John, the Spaniard,"
also shot in the hip; McDonald, accidentally shot by the gnard. At The Dalles two
guards, Jackson and Packwood, were decoyed from camp by Indians and killed.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 167

a part of the contents taken out, and headed up again.
This is all wrong. The crew should be selected, the name
taken in the office, and none others should be allowed to
come up unless by special contract, and then to supply
themselves with provisions, blankets, etc. Very many are
going up to attend to their own property, relying upon the
provisions sent up to the troops for subsistence. This will
not do. Hereafter captains will be required to take an
oath faithfully to perform their duties and to render a
strict account for their expenses." lS Thus, while the truly
patriotic men of the country were straining every nerve to
carry on a defensive war against nearly hopeless embar
rassments, the meaner element found in every society had
no scruple about increasing their burdens.

Pursuing the subject, the commissary-general informs
his aide that after all he has learned that it will "not be
possible to get the Pettygrove boat above the falls," and
he should endeavor to make some other arrangement until
the two flatboats could be repaired, and calls for a few
pounds of eight or ten-penny nails. 9 He also desires Wait
to ask McKinlay to have constructed for him two clinker-
built boats, the lumber to be sawed at Oregon City, and
suitable persons sent with it to put it together; such per
sons, he understood, were to be found at Champoeg the
Canadian settlement.

As to other matters at Fort Gilliam, Palmer found a
crew of six men sent down by the colonel to bring up the
cannon still lying at the lower cascades, the road being
constructed for a portage not being completed, though it
was expected that by another day it would be. With re
gard to ammunition, he says: "I have bought the powder
and lead opposite Vancouver. You must try to raise the
money to meet the bill."

8 Letter to A. E. Wait : Oregon Archives, MS. 887.

y A letter from J. D. Crawford at Fort Gilliam, February ninth, calls for " a large
padlock for this fort," two pounds of eight-penny nails, aud eighty or one hundred
feet of rope, " if possible ;" and asks for " a paper when it i printed ": Oregon Ar
chives, 892.

168 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

After assisting to bring the cannon around the cascades
in a violent storm of rain and wind, Captain Thomas
McKay s company 10 arriving just in time to be of service,
Palmer and Newell resumed their journey to The Dalles,
now called Fort Lee, and often Fort Wascopan, but not
before the commissary had the vexation to see the best of
the two boats above the falls destroyed by the storm, and
the carelessness of those having it in charge. 11 They
reached The Dalles February tenth, having seen a few
Indians on the way, who appeared "downhearted." 12

The army having returned to Fort Lee, a council was
held on the eleventh by the field officers and the peace
commissioners, to decide upon a definite plan of action.
Nothing was agreed upon until the twelfth, when arrange
ments were made to send forward one hundred men under
Major Lee, with the other two commissioners, Captain Mc-

10 When the governor s proclamation became known at French prairie, there was
a called meeting of Canadians who passed the following resolutions :

Whereas it is believed that several of the Indian tribes east of the Cascade moun
tains have formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against this
colony ; and whereas the exigency of the times calls for prompt and energetic action
on the part of the people of this territory, in enlisting and mustering into service the
number of volunteers required by the executive; therefore,

Resolved, That we deem it highly expedient to raise, arm, and equip one company
of riflemen to proceed immediately to join the regiment at Portland.

Resolved, That the Canadian citizens of Champoeg county feel it their duty to
assist our adopted country in the prosecution of the war against the Cayuse Indians,
for the horrible massacre committed by them upon American citizens at Waiilatpu.

A call for volunteers being made, thirty names were at once enrolled, and
Thomas McKay was chosen captain: Oregon Spectator, January 20, 1848.

When the American flag was presented to McKay s company, he addressed to
them this brief sentence : " This is the flag you are expected to defend ; and defend
it you must." It was easy to understand that.

ii" We have a small flat here," wrote J. D. Crawford, "six or seven feet wide,
which we can use until a larger one is made. * * * The boat is to be thirty -five
by ten feet. We must have five pounds oakum, two chisels ( one and two-inch ), one
jack and one fore plane, and also one small grindstone. These tools we must have,
as they are daily needed " : Oregon Archives, MS. 902. Palmer himself had written
a few days before to Wait, in behalf of the men employed on one of the boats : " If
possible for you to do anything for them, you must do it. Mr. J. C. Little wishes a
coat. Josephus Norton wishes a roundabout. You must call upon the citizens to
aid you in raising an amount to supply the men who are boating up the supplies ":
Oregon Archives, MS. 902.

12 This is Newell s expression, taken from a memorandum of the incidents of his
journey. He further says that only three men were left to guard Fort Gilliam ; and
three to run the boats between that place and Fort Lee. " The men have volunteered
to fight Indians, not to run boats," said their officers.

THE GAYUSE WAR. 169

Kay, Captain Philip F. Thompson, and J. L. Meek and
party all of whom were familiar with the ideas and cus
toms of, and personally known to the Indians.

It was evident notwithstanding this agreement that Col
onel Gilliam, and others of the fighting temper, would
have preferred offering the sword rather than the olive
branch. The regiment now consisted of seven companies,
containing from forty-one to one hundred and twenty-four
men, and aggregating five hundred and thirty-seven. The
arrival of the French under McKay, and another company
under L. N. English, with the cannon, added to the mili
tary ardor of the troops, who expended a portion of their
scanty ammunition in firing salutes of welcome to the new
arrivals, which were promptly returned by the latter, and
the regimental flag hoisted.

On the day following, Colonel Gilliam informed the com
missioners that he had ordered the army to be ready to
march with them on the fourteenth. This order was ex
ceedingly repugnant to the commissioners, who did not
doubt that the Indians with whom they wished to commu
nicate the Nez Perces would be frightened away by
the appearance of a large force, and a council with them
made impossible.

According to the memorandum kept by Newell, the
morale of the army was bad, as naturally it would be in
the case of volunteer troops brought together in a wild
country, without disciplining under proper officers 13 hav
ing some experience. Many of the volunteers were irre
sponsible young men of the recent immigration, who had
the most unfavorable opinion concerning the natives,
obtained from encounters with them along the road.
They were ready to punish in an Indian what they had
no hesitation about doing themselves. These lapses in

13 Says Newell : i: An Indian was shot by one of our people, H. English, while
hunting horses this day; a most shameful thing. * * * The cattle of the immi
grants are taken and made use of for the government branded "O. T." * * *
Several men leaving for the settlements. Captain Ross resigned. Many displeased
with our people in consequence of bad discipline."

170 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

discipline, together with the usual jealousies of new organi
zations, and the hardships unavoidable under the circum
stances, were already creating discontent and demoraliza
tion; hence, the policy of the commander to put the army
in motion was perhaps a wise one. This, at all events,
was what he decided to do, leaving only twenty men at
The Dalles, under Corporal William Williams, for the de
fense of that post, having first removed Siletza s band of
Des Chutes Indians below The Dalles to protect them from
annoyance by the Cay uses, as also to remove them from
temptation.

Having no boats to transport supplies up the Columbia,
The Dalles was made the base of operations, and immi
grant wagons and ox teams left there for the winter were
pressed into the service of the army. On the hind wheels
of one wagon was mounted the cannon, a long, nine-
pounder left in the country from some ship, and on the
sixteenth the army crossed Des Chutes river. The follow
ing day it crossed John Day river, encamping on the east
side, its progress being slow. Previous to this, the peace
commissioners had sent a flag, with a present of tobacco,
to the disaffected Columbia river Indians, and had received
information that all the tribes above The Dalles were
united for war against the Americans.

While en route Major Lee, having made a reconnoissance,
reported the camp of a small party discovered, which had
cached its property and retired to the hills. On the nine
teenth he was ordered to pursue them and set out on their
trail. From camp on John Day river the commissioners
had sent to Fort Walla Walla by a friendly Indian a
packet containing a letter to the officer in charge, with
flags and tobacco for the Indians, and a letter from Mr.
Spalding directed to the head men of the Nez Perces,
which ran as follows:

THE CAYUSE WAR. 171

WALLAMET, February 3, 1848.
Nez Perce Chiefs:

My friends, Ellis, Kansoot, James, Yusinmalakin, Jacob, Poca-
tash, Yarnomocknin, Yumtamilkin, Timothy, Solomon, Ishtoop-
toopuin, Tselsootalelmekum, Joseph, Kohsh, Apashavakaikt, Rich
ard, Heminelpelp, Jason, Anatashin, Totamaluin, Hohoselpelp,
Metawaptosh, Noah : Quick, meet them ; with these flags meet
them ; with good hearts meet them. From us, from the Americans,
five go to meet you Mr. Palmer, Dr. Newell, Mr. McKay, Mr.
Lee, Mr. Gilliam. These meet you ; with good hearts they meet
you. They bear a message (proposals, law, or a talk); from the
great chief they bear it. Therefore they call you to meet them.

Keep quiet, ye young men ! do not go over to the Cay uses. Wait
till the commissioners speak clearly with you. The good are not to
be punished. Only the bad are to be punished. The Nez Perces
and the Americans are one; therefore do you not depart from us.
Very many Americans are going to seek the bad Cayuses, and the
bad only. There will soon be large ships from California, therefore
they otter to you a message ( proposals of peace).

They send you tobacco, therefore meet them without delay. My
youngest child is sick, therefore I cannot meet you. When my
child is well, I will see you, by the blessing of God. Ever make to
yourselves good hearts. By the blessing of God we may see each
other.

H. H. SPALDING.

The messenger fell in with the hostile Indians and was
taken prisoner, the flags and tobacco being appropriated
to the enemy s use; but the packet being addressed to Mr.
McBean, the written part of it was forwarded to him, and
arrived while Timothy and Richard, two of the chiefs ad
dressed by Spalding, were at the fort, who hastened to carry
it to their people, with other news of the intentions of the
Americans learned from the letter sent to McBean. To
this fortunate circumstance was to be attributed the sub
sequent neutrality of the Nez Perces.

On coining to camp on the night of the twentieth of
February, Major Lee reported having on that day followed
the trail of a party of Indians going towards the Blue
mountains, but without overtaking them. The following
day, after a hard march of twenty miles, the army en
camped at Willow creek, the wagons getting in late, the

172 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON.

men half starved, wholly out of humor, and the camp in
a state of confusion, if not absolute revolt.

The regiment was now almost two hundred miles from
home, ill-fed, ill-clad, with the enemy retiring before them,
and peace commissioners going after them to turn the war
into a farce ! If the long march was only to escort peace
commissioners, they were inclined to turn back ; and, in
fact, Captain Maxon s company took a vote on the pro
priety of returning should not all the flour remaining be
issued at once. 14

On the following day, Colonel Gilliam thought it wise to
remain in camp and cultivate a better spirit in the troops.
He paraded the regiment, after which he mounted a wagon
and addressed them in the language of a soldier loving
his country, and feeling that no honorable or brave man
could desert his duty; declaring, too, that the movers in
the mutiny would be remembered by the people. This
address, though provoking the criticism of some, had the
effect to secure somewhat better discipline for the time,
although the men still wasted their small store of ammu
nition in a useless discharge of their guns.

On the morning of the twenty-third a party of thirteen
Des Chutes Indians came into camp, bearing the flag sent
to them from The Dalles, and saying they had come in
obedience to that summons. The army moved on, but
the commissioners remained for a "talk." The chief,
Beardy, alleged that his reason for not coming on the
receipt of the message was that the soldiers had fired upon
his people, compelling them to run away. He declared
his willingness to go to war against the Cayuses, and his
desire always to retain the friendship of the Americans;

14 " Most shocking was this to witness," says Newell in his Memoranda. "Some
few had bought a little tea and sugar in the settlements to use on the road, and many
were displeased that they did not share these luxuries with the rest, and objected to
their being carried in the public wagons ; but the officers set their faces against all
such unreasonable objections." Previous to this, on the seventeenth, this mutinous
spirit had shown itself in camp, the men breaking open bread, flour, and pork bar
rels, until the colonel was forced to ask the commissary-general to take charge of the
provisions. Perhaps the men also resented this ; at all events they gave their officers
much trouble during the first few days on the march.

THE GAYUSE WAR. 173

showing his confidence in them by accompanying the
commissioners to the camp of the army, where a council
was held, and the Indians instructed to return to The
Dalles, there to remain until joined by the commissioners
and the chiefs of other bands, Colonel Gilliam giving
Beardy a letter to the officer in command at that post.
Beardy, also sometimes called Sue, presented Thomas
McKay a fine horse from Welaptulekt, head chief of the
Des Chutes tribe, who sent word that he would bring in
all the stolen immigrant property, if by so doing he could
secure the friendship of the Americans. 15 Newell, in his
memoranda of the journey, states that Gillian was reluc
tant to condone the previous conduct of these Indians, and
would have preferred to fight them.

Before starting for the Umatilla on the twenty-fourth,
two Yakima Indians came to camp, carrying a message
from the Catholic missionaries, who had settled among
that people in the preceding December, informing the
commissioners that the Yakimas had taken their advice,

and determined not to go to war in aid of the Cay uses, as
they had no cause of war against Americans, who did not
travel through their country, and as they had been
informed the hostilities did not include them. They
brought to Colonel Gilliam a letter from one of the priests,

which, being translated, agreed with the statement of the
messengers:

CAMP OF CIAIES, February 16, 1848.
M. Commander:

The Yakima chiefs, Ciaies and Skloo, have just presented me a
letter signed by Messrs. Joel Palmer, Robert Newell, and H. A. G.
Lee which I have read, and a young Indian, son of one of the chiefs
translated it to them in Yakima language. The chiefs above men
tioned charged me to say to you in their name, in those of Car-
naiareum and of Chananaie, that they accept, with acknowledg
ments, the tobacco and the banner which you sent them. They
have resolved to follow your counsel, and not unite themselves with
the Cayuses, but to remain at rest upon their lands. On my arrival
at the camp of Ciaies, that chief assured me that he would not join

I 5 Oregon Spectator, April 6, 1848.

174 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the Cay uses. T could but see, with the greatest of pleasure, disposi
tions which will prevent the spilling of blood, and which will facili
tate the means of instructing those Indians.

Your humble servant, G. BLANCHET.

Word had been sent to the mission on the Umatilla, but
no answer being returned in four days, 16 the commander
determined upon pushing on his army to Waiilatpu, with
out regard to the peace commission, and a courier was
sent back to inform the governor of this decision.

The march was begun about the middle of the forenoon,
the commissioners being in the advance, carrying a white
flag. They soon discovered two Indian spies whom they en
deavored to approach, but who avoided them. About noon
a large number were seen on the hills making signals de
noting war, arid when the commissioners advanced they
were ordered off. They then retreated, while the Indians
collected, coming from all directions, and placing them
selves along the path of the army. The first act of hos
tility was the shooting of a dog belonging to the volunteers/
and then the battle proceeded as only Indian battles do.

The picture already given of the brave display made by
Indians in their military parades and mock battles for the
entertainment of guests, was not fully reproduced in actual
combat. The bronzed and bedecked warriors, with their,
painted and tasseled steeds, the splendid riding in charges,
the furious din of drum and rattle, mingled with yells,
and the stentorian voice of command making itself heard
above all the uproar, creating a scene only matched on
the plains of Troy in the days of Agamemnon this

16 Brouillet explains this in his " Authentic Account of the Murder of Dr. Whitman,"
p. 64. The mission had been abandoned on the nineteenth, when the Cayuses had
announced to Brouillet and Leclaire their determination to go to war. Brouillet
further says that Ogden promised the Cayuses to endeavor to prevent a war, and to
send an express to Walla Walla to apprise them of the result ; but that no such ex
press arriving before the troops were there, they suspected Ogden of betraying them.
Brouillet thought that had his letter arrived in time the Cayuses might have accepted
the terms of the government, namely, the relinquishment of the murderers. But it
will be remembered that troops were already at The Dalles when Ogden passed down
with the captives.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 175

proud style of fighting is not maintained in actual Indian
tactics, but the painted brave soon seeks cover, and shoots
from behind rock? or other defenses a mode of warfare
in which a good deal of powder is wasted.

The numbers on the field were about equal on both
sides, although not more than three-fourths of the Indians
were engaged, the remainder being spectators or Indian
women, waiting for victory and their horrible part in the
sanguinary business the mutilation of the dead and
wounded. The Cay uses had chosen their ground, but tho
volunteers advanced steadily, and the battle raged all
along the lines, which were thrown out to enclose the
wagons and cattle. On the northeast, where the Indians
seemed to push the strongest, an advance was ordered in
double quick. The Indians seemed surprised, and the
yell of the volunteers dismayed them. After one volley
poured in the face of the advancing column they retired
to an eminence further away. This was several times
repeated when they made a disorderly retreat leaving
their dead and wounded. The troops went into camp
about dark, without water or wood.

The loss of the volunteers was five wounded, Lieutenant-
Colonel Waters, Green McDonald of Linn county, and
three others. The loss on the side of the Oayuses was
eight killed, and five wounded. At the commencement of
the fighting Gray Eagle and Five Crows rode up near the
wagons, as if boastful of their prowess, Gray Eagle exclaim
ing, " There s Tom McKay; I will kill him;" but before
he could execute his threat, Captain McKay had shot him
dead. At the same time Lieutenant Charles McKay shot
Five Crows, shattering his arm.

This outcome of the day s fighting was a disappoint
ment to the Cayuses, who had hitherto held no high
opinion of American prowess, having seen them avoid
fighting when weary with travel and encumbered with
families and herds. They had boasted among themselves
that they would beat the Americans to death with clubs,

176 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

and going down to the Wallamet, possess themselves of
their women and property. 17

Soon after camp was made a visit was received from
Nicholas Finlay, who was present at the Waiilatpu tragedy,
and who, according to Newell, "told lies and showed
mu^h treachery." He brought with him two pretended
brothers who were believed to be spies.

The troops passed an uncomfortable night, and were
early in motion on the twenty-fifth, traveling all day sur
rounded by Indians, and without water. It became evi
dent that there was a division among the Cayuses, and
that those who had held aloof the day previous were
desirous of peace. In fact, they sent messengers to signify
their desire, even some of the murderers asking for a coun
cil; but the commissioners, as well as the troops, refused
to talk until they came to water, which they did not find
until they reached the Umatilla at sunset, by which time
the troops were in a bad humor from the tortures of hun
ger and thirst.

The Indians were encamped four miles above the army
on the east side of the river, which they had boastfully
said the Americans should never cross, but which was
crossed on the twenty-sixth, when camp was made a mile
nearer the Cayuses. During these movements the Indians
swarmed along the hills, many showing their hostile sen
timents in many ways, while others refrained from warlike
demonstrations, but all exhibiting alarm at the presence
of troops in their country. After the army had encamped,
the chief, Sticcas, and many other Cayuses made overtures
of peace, and were told by the commissioners to meet them
at Waiilatpu. From these visitors it was learned that Five
Crows adjured his people, should he die of his wound, to
fight the Americans without end, as he would if he lived.

One reason of the hesitancy of the commissioners to en
tertain any propositions coming from the Cayuses at this
time was the failure to establish communication with Fort

" Letter of Charles McKay in Oregon Spectator, March 23, 1848.

THE GAYUSE WAR. 177

Walla Walla. It has already been mentioned that the
bearer of the letters to McBean and the Nez Perces was
intercepted, the packet falling into the hands of Tauitowe,
who, after abstracting the flag and tobacco, sent the letters
to McBean. The answer of McBean, however, he retained
and destroyed, and it was this unexplained silence which
made them hesitate.

The letter to McBean was an explanation of the pres
ence of an army in the country, not for the purpose of
distracting it with warfare, but to bring to justice the
Cayuse murderers, and to prevent the other tribes from
combining with them. He was not asked to take part in
any way to disturb the friendly relations of the Hudson s
Bay Company to the Indians, but, if possible, to aid in
bringing about peace. Further than this the letter ex
pressed anxiety lest the Catholic mission and the fort
should be in danger, and offered a detachment to protect
them if necessary. The same packet contained a letter
from Colonel Gilliam to Brouillet, asking him to furnish
a statement of the part he had taken in the affairs of the
Waiilatpu mission before and after the massacre. Brouil-
let s reply went the same way with McBean s, but it is
reproduced in his Authentic Account, an abstract of which
has been given in a previous chapter.

On reaching Walla Walla these things were explained.
Had the commissioners received the letters intercepted by
Tauitowe they would have been in a position to treat with
the Cayuses, a majority of whom would gladly have ac
cepted peace on the governor s terms the surrender of
the murderers. But with the guilty ones striving to pre
vent a peace on these terms, and the commissioners coming
with an army and hesitating to hold a council, the multi
tude were alarmed and uncertain to a degree which im
pelled them to self-defense, if not to aggressive warfare.

On the morning of the twenty-seventh not an Indian
was to be seen, and nothing had been stolen during the
night proof enough that none were near and it was

178 INDIAN WARS OF ORKGON.

understood that they had gone to prepare for war: The
army then proceeded on its march toward Waiilatpu.

Newell remarks, in his Memoranda, that "for the last
few days the men have behaved well," and also that
"some hope is entertained that our mission will be success
ful, though we lack experience ; " and further, " we have
heard of Messrs. Walker and Eells; they are still at home,
though in suspense and fear."

On the twenty-eighth the troops encamped on the Walla
Walla river, and the commissioners had an interview with
McBean and the Catholic clergymen 18 at the fort, learning
that much alarm had been felt on account of the combi
nation between the Cayuses and the Columbia river
Indians; but the Walla Walla chief, Peu-peu-mox-mox,
being in favor of peace, was regarded as a hopeful sign.
Colonel Gilliam seized the opportunity of obtaining from
Brouillet an account of the events of November twenty-
ninth, as they had become known to him. On the follow
ing morning the troops moved six miles up the Walla
Walla river and encamped, when Major Lee, with twenty-
five men, returned to the fort to press two kegs of powder,
which were secured. Another march of five miles on the
first of March brought the army to the camp of Peu-peu-
mox-mox, who professed friendship, and sold several beef
cattle to the commissary of subsistence. Here the smoke
and dust of the Cayuse camp in mot ; on towards Waiilatpu
was observed, and a Nez Perce visited the commissioners
to t-ake observations. On the second camp was made near
the site of Dr. Whitman s mission. And so at last the
whole of the horrible story was made known, for it should

18 B. Jennings, acting quartermaster at Fort Lee, about this date, wrote a letter to
A. E. Wait, informing him that Siletza, the Des Chutes chief asserted that "the priest
at Walla Walla," which was Brouillet, had, under duress, been compelled to make
shields for the Cayuses, who flattered themselves with a certainty of success, intend
ing to march through tho Yakima country and punish them for their neutrality by
killing them all off, after which they proposed to march down the north side of the
Columbia, and falling upon the American settlements, exterminate the white peo
ple. "We are troubled very much," continues Jennings, "with friendly Indians.
Our force being so weak at this place we are compelled to be more liberal in presents
of meat and flour than we would if our situation was otherwise. Among the many

THE CAYU8E WAR. 179

be remembered no one had visited the mission since the
rescue of the captives, whose stories contained only their
personal experiences, colored by personal prejudices.

Colonel Gilliam with two companies first visited the
mission grounds, and on the third moved his camp to the
ruins. The bodies of the dead had been unearthed by
wolves, and lay about, half devoured. Some of Mrs. Whit
man s hair was cut off and preserved by the messengers to
Washington, Meek, Newell, and others, and the remains
remterred. l!) Says Newell, " papers, books, letters, iron, and
many other things lay about the premises. Wagon wheels
and other property had been placed in the house before it
was burned. I got some letters, and many laid about in
the water." That these letters, which would have thrown
much light on grave questions, were not religiously pre
served, is proof of a want of proper forethought and dis
cipline. They were carelessly read, discussed, and de
stroyed, the only scrap of information that floated from
them to the public ear being the statement that proof was
found in them that Dr. Whitman was fully warned and
aware of his danger.

Colonel Gilliam called a council of his army officers on
the third, and the other peace commissioners speedily dis
covered that the military spirit in their associate was un
able to brook the evidences of savage malevolence which
the scene of Waiilatpu presented. " The commissioners/
sa}*s Newell, "have no chance to arrange with the In
dians; we are short of provisions and time; our colonel
is quite hasty." That day a fortification was commenced,
constructed out of the adobes of the ruined houses; and

lodges in our vicinity there are between fifty and seventy warriors, and I am not cer
tain of their entire friendship; in fact, they cannot be relied upon. They are daily
asking for passes to go to Fort Vancouver, but of late we have refused them any,
believing their intentions are not good ": Oregon Archives, 1013.

19 It seems from Newell s journal, that Dr. and Mrs. Whitman were at first interred
together, " with a paling around them, nicely done ; " and a board fence around the
mound which held the other dead. These enclosures were probably constructed by
the men who were spared, during their month of captivity. The mutilated remains
found by the volunteers were hastily placed in the ground all together.

180 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

notwithstanding that a few Nez Perces and Peu-peu-mox-
mox made friendly overtures, the colonel was not softened
and declared in council that he had come to fight, and
fight he would.

On the night of the fourth of March, more than three
months after the massacre, the messenger to Washington
made a final start for the states, escorted by a company of
one hundred men as far as the Blue mountains, where the
little party of nine bade their friends adieu, and set out
upon their mission, depending only upon their own sa
gacity, and the cap and capote of the Hudson s Bay Com
pany for safety from the dangers of the journey. The
names of Meek s companions were: G. W. Ebberts, John
Owens, Nathaniel Bowman, James Steel, Samuel Miller,
Jacob Leabo, Dennis Buris, and David Young. Ebberts,
like Meek, was a "mountain man," or trapper for the fur
companies for many years. The others were chiefly re
turning immigrants. 2 "

The fifth being Sunday, the order to work on the fortifi
cation was very unwillingly complied with, and signs of a
mutinous spirit were scarcely repressed. During the day
William Craig, who had joined the army, and Joseph Ger-
vais, from French Prairie in the Wallamet, went to meet
a large body of the Nez Perces whom, rumor said, were
coming to join the Cayuses, and to bring them to see the

20 The party experienced the unavoidable hardships of mountain travel at this
time of the year, the snow being soft, but reached Fort Boise safely, walking most of
the way and leading their horses and pack animals. Two of the immigrants
remained at Boise, discouraged by the trials of their first three hundred miles. The
remainder of the party proceeded to Fort Hall, traveling day and night for fear of the
Bannocks, some of whom had been met on the road, acting suspiciously. At Fort
Hall they received warm food and a few hours rest, continuing their journey with
no unnecessary delay, but having to abandon their horses after two days of strug
gling through drifts of fresh snow, and take to snowshoes made of willow twigs
woven in shape. With only a blanket and a rifle apiece, and depending upon the
latter to procure subsistance, they pushed on to Bear river, where they came upon
the camp of Peg-leg Smith, a former associate of Meek and Ebberts, who had not
abandoned mountain life, and who received them with a liberal hospitality, which
raised their strength and their spirits together. Two of the men remained at this
camp. Refreshed and provided with food, the party again set out, on snowshoes,
and reached Fort Bridger, four hundred and seventy miles beyond Boise, after several
days of hard travel James Bridger was another old acquaintance of Meek s, and

THE CAYU8E WAR. 181

commissioners. According to Newell, Colonel Gilliam was
"much displeased," and threatened to march to battle on
the morrow. "This army," he remarks, "is composed of
different kinds of men. Some have come to behave le
gally; others to plunder; and others for popularity. To
do what we ought is easy, if we could act together. Cap
tain McKay and company deserve credit. In fact, nearly
all the officers seem to wish to do for the best."

This criticism, confided only to a private diary, was un
doubtedly honest, and might well have applied to any
army in such circumstances. Yet he nowhere implies
that the men of Gilliam s command, as a whole, were un
patriotic or disloyal to their duty. He does, however, often
imply that petulance and indiscretion on the part of their
commander produced discord and disorder. Still it is well
to remember that Newell belonged to the peace commission
expressly in his character of a friend to the Indians, and
as understanding their ideas, which Gilliam and the ma
jority of the volunteers were unable to do. It was natually
out of the question for Newell and Gilliam to agree.

However, the colonel did not march to battle on the sixth
as threatened. Instead, about noon, Craig and Gervais re
turned with information that two hundred and fifty friendly
Nez Perces and Cayuses were near, who, in the afternoon
were brought to camp, the army saluting and cheering in

rendered needed assistance, providing the party with four good mules, by which
means four were mounted at a time, so that by taking each his turn in walking they
got on very well to the Platte, where the travel was improved, but subsistance scarce.
At Fort Laramie fresh mounts were obtained from the French trader in charge,
Papillion, who warned them to look out for the Sioux at Ash Hollow, a favorite
ambush. While attempting to pass this village in a snowstorm, which he relied upon
to conceal the party, Meek heard himself hailed by his familiar title of "Major,"
and to his great satisfaction found himself accepting the proffered hospitalities of
Le Beau, a Frenchman well know to him in his trapper s life. Le Beau offered to
escort the party beyond the village, which kindness was gladly accepted, and one
night journey, after parting with their friend, brought them out of the dangerous
neighborhood. Meek arrived on the fourth of May at the Missouri river, where im
migrants to Oregon and California were then crossing, and where he parted from the
other members of his party. The remainder of his journey to Washington was soon
accomplished, and on the twenty-ninth of May President Polk laid before both
houses of congress a special message on Oregon affairs. Many amusing incidents of
Meek s mission are related in Mrs. Victor s River of The West.

182 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the most hospitable manner, and on the seventh a general
council was held.

The speeches of the chiefs are interesting at this date as
specimens of savage oratory, as well as showing their atti
tude towards the Americans.

In the absence of Ellis, who was gone on a buffalo hunt,
Joseph acted as head man. Governor Abernethy s letter
being presented to them, and the seal broken, it was handed
to an interpreter to be read. Joseph said :

Now I show my heart. When I left home I took the book (the
gospels in the Nez Perc6 language) in my hand, and brought it with
me. It is my light. I heard the Americans were coming on to kill
me; still I held my book before me and came on. I have heard the
words of your chief. I speak for all the Cayuses present, and for
my people. I do not want my children engaged in this war,
although my brother is wounded. 21 You speak of the murderers.
I shall not meddle with them. I bow my head. This much T
speak.

Jacob, 22 who was wont to play upon the superstitions of
his people to gain influence among them, next spoke. He
said: "It is the law of this country that the murderer
shall die. That law I keep in my heart, because I believe
it is the law of God the first law." He also said he had
heard the Americans were coming to kill all his people,
but was not turned back by the report. He was thankful
for the assurances contained in the governor s letter, that
only the guilty should suffer.

James, a Catholic Nez Perce, expressed pleasure at the
escape of Mr. Spalding, and said that he was sure all the
chiefs present desired peace.

lied Wolf related that on hearing of the massacre he
had gone to Waiilatpu to learn the truth, and had been
told by Tauitowe that the young men had committed the
murders, but that not all the chiefs were in the conspiracy.

21 His half-brother, Five Crows, Joseph s mother being a Cayuse.

92 It is related by the missionaries that Jacob, having obtained a large picture of
the devil, used to threaten his people with the appearance of Satan, and carry out
his threat by concealing himself and suddenly thrusting forth the frightful picture.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 183

He had returned and told Spalding all he knew about it,
and Spalding had said he would go to the Wallamet, tell
the governor the Nez Perces had saved his life, and that
theirs must tie saved.

Timothy preferred not to talk. He said: "You hear
these chiefs; they speak for all. I am as one in the air; I
do not meddle with these things; the chiefs speak; we are
all of one mind."

Richard, who accompanied Dr. Whitman to the states
in 1835, was glad the governor had spoken so kindly. His
people did not wish to go to war. They had been taught
by their old chief, Cut-nose, to take no bad advice, but to
adhere to the good. As for Ellis, he was in the buffalo
country, but he was confident he would be for peace.

Kentuck, the Nez Perce who had conducted Dr. Parker
through the Salmon river country in 1835, next spoke,
saying that he had been much with the Americans and
the French, and nothing could be said injurious of him.
He had fought with the Americans against the Blackfoot
people. He had been with Fremont in California the year
previous, not for pay, but from regard for the Americans.
It had been falsely said that he was with the Cayuses in
these murders. His people had never shed the blood of
Americans, and he was glad that only the really guilty
were to be punished.

Camaspelo, the only Cayuse chief present, confessed that
his nation had two hearts. Tamsucky had consulted him
on the subject of the massacre, but he had refused to have
anything to do with it, giving as a reason that his child
was sick and he had no heart for murder; but Tamsucky
had returned to the other chiefs and told them he con
sented.

Such was the talk of these chiefs. Camaspelo might
have further said that at the very time he was being con
sulted about Dr. Whitman s murder, the doctor had ridden
many miles to visit his sick child, and had not been told
of the danger that at that moment overhung him, by the

184 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

child s father. But the commissioners were not intent on
a criticism of the evidence; they were only glad to find
that a part of the Cay uses would refuse to take up arms
in defense of the conspirators.

General Palmer then followed with an address. He
gave praise to the Nez Perces for their good behavior, and
furnished them a motive for continuing quiet by telling
them the Cayuses by their conduct had forfeited their
lands. He declared the Americans did not want their
lands; they only wanted a road through them kept open,
and for that purpose a fort would be built, and troops sta
tioned at Waiilatpu. It would be futile for the Cayuses
to oppose this ; it would be wiser for them to assist in
bringing the criminals to justice, so that the innocent
might be at peace. The Nez Perces were advised to return
to their homes and their planting, and William Craig, with
whom they were well acquainted, was appointed agent to
reside among them, with the authority of magistrate to
settle all differences. A teacher and a blacksmith were
promised them when peace should be restored, and no
white men were to be allowed to settle on their lands ex
cept by their consent. On their part they were required
to refrain from molesting the missionaries at Chemekane,
or interfering with travelers passing through their coun
try or coming to trade with them, to all of which they
assented.

The other commissioners made friendly and advisory
addresses, after which the American flag, with tobacco,
was presented, and the business of the council was fol
lowed in the evening by a war dance for the entertain
ment of the convention of white and red men.

Gilliam, as one of the commissioners, could not avoid
acting his part; but as commander of the army he was
ill at ease. He saw the Cayuses passing by unharmed,
going to the Nez Perce country in the hope of inducing
their relatives and former allies to join with them against

TffE CAYUSE WAR. 185

the Americans, while just enough of them lingered behind
to pick up the news about camp and act as go-betweens.
Still the influence of the superintendent was such that on
the eighth the Nez Perce chiefs were encouraged to go to
the Cayuse camp, then twenty-five miles distant, to en
deavor to persuade the nation to give up the murderers,
the army to follow on the next day, two of the commis
sioners accompanying it. It had advanced but three miles
from Waiilatpu when it was met by chief Sticcas, who had
in charge several hundred dollars worth of cattle, prop
erty, and money belonging to the mission and murdered
immigrants, which the Cayuses had given up in the hope
of thus creating a favorable sentiment in their behalf.

A proposition was made by Sticcas for a council, Gilliam
objecting on the ground that it was an artifice to gain
time; but it was finally agreed to, and the troops en
camped for the purpose. In the talk with Sticcas it was
made known that the Cayuses refused to surrender Taui-
towe or Tamsucky. The first, indeed, had never been ac
cused, but Tamsucky was undoubtedly guilty, and by thus
classing them together the murderers sought to retain more
influence on their side. In this council Colonel Gilliam
offered to accept Joe Lewis in place of five of the murder
ers, but no agreement was arrived at, neither the other
commissioners nor the Cayuses being pleased to consent. 15
Still a certain amount of success had attended their efforts.
The Nez Perces were made friendly neutrals and the Cay
uses were divided, so that ultimately they might have
come to the terms proposed.

On the eleventh the army made a fresh start, unen
cumbered by a peace commission, Palmer, Lee, and
Newell, with McKay, who was ill, and others, leaving for
the Wallamet, those remaining in the Cayuse country
numbering only two hundred and sixty-eight men and
officers. The departing half dozen remained one night at

-"" Seeing such a move," says, Newell, "I concluded to be ofl ."

186 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Fort Walla Walla, where those wounded on the march to
Waiilatpu had been left to recover. Here again Peu-peu-
mox-mox was seen, professing friendship and giving the
commission much information concerning the events of
the previous November. Here also they found some sick
of measles, that disease not yet having abated. The party
were offered an escort by Me Bean, which was accepted as
far as The Dalles, the route taken being on the north side
of the Columbia. "Our difficulties with the Indians,"
says Newell, " places this fort in a very bad position with
the Indians, as they desire to remain neutral, which is not
so easy to do."

Palmer arrived at The Dalles March seventeenth, and
on the following day held a talk with the Indians who
with Beardy had been sent there to assist his return, and
who agreed to remain friendly, to bring in the property
stolen, and steal no more. On the twenty-fourth the com
missioners arrived at Oregon City. General Palmer re
sumed the duties of the commissary s office, and Major
Lee made his report to the governor.

Freed from the peace commission Colonel Gilliam, as
has been said, took up the march for the camp of the
Cayuses on the eleventh of March. On the first day three
Indians presented themselves bearing the flag of peace,
and having with them some of the horses stolen on the
march from The Dalles. They reported that Sticcas had
taken Joe Lewis, according to the proposition of the com
mander of the army, but that his prisoner had been
rescued, and the property retaken which Sticcas was
bringing to deliver up. On this information Gilliam
quickened his march, believing that Sticcas was endeavor
ing to deceive him; and while encamped near the head of
the Touchet on the Nez Perce trail, received a message
from Tauitowe professing friendship, and his intention to
forsake the company of the hostile Cayuses. He added
that his camp was on the Tucannon above Gilliam s; that

THE CAYUSE WAR. 187

Tamsucky had gone to Red Wolf s place on Snake river,
and that Tiloukaikt had gone down the Tucannon with
his following, intending to cross Snake river into the
Palouse country.

The purpose of this division of the Cayuse force should
have been apparent to the commander, and perhaps was
so; but he must then have made up his mind to place
himself where he was liable, to assault from three direc
tions. He, however, made a night march, arriving near
the Cayuse camp not far from the mouth of the Tucannon
before dawn, waiting for daylight to make his presence
known, when he advanced to within a quarter of a mile of
the lodges. Here he was met by one aged Indian, who
with his unarmed hands on his head and his heart,
assured the commander that he was in error that this
was not the camp of Tiloukaikt, but of Peu-peu-mox-mox,
who was his friend, and would not fight the Americans.
Tiloukaikt was gone he said, but there was his stock feeding
on the hills about, and the Americans might take that if
they chose. On entering the camp only a few warriors
were found, who, though armed and painted, appeared
friendly.

The Tucannon river runs through a canon with high
and steep walls, and Tiloukaikt s cattle were on the further
side. No sooner had the volunteers, with much fatiguing
toil for both men and horses, reached the high plain than
the cattle were discovered swimming the Snake river and
escaping into the Palouse country. The trick was evident,
and the Americans acknowledged themselves outwitted.
Nothing now appeared feasible, but to collect what few
beef cattle remained, with several hundred head of horses,
and return to the camp on the Touchet.

When about a mile on their retreat they were attacked
in the rear by a force of four hundred Indians, chiefly
Palouses, allies of the Cayuses, who had cunningly left
them to do the fighting, while the guilty among them
selves ran away. The remainder of the day was passed

188 JNDTAN WARS OF OREGON.

in a painfully slow fighting march, the troops being com
pelled to pass the night several miles from camp, without
food or fire, to which discomfort was added the fatigue of
the previous sleepless night, and the impossibility of catch
ing a half hours rest, with almost an incessant firing into
camp. Unable to stand the strain, the order was given to
turn out the captured stock, in the hope that the Indians
would desist from their annoyances on recovering it. But
the sacrifice was useless, the Indians attacking as soon as
the troops were upon the road, which was as soon as there
was light enough to show them the country to be traveled
over, when they took to the hills on the west side of the
river to avoid ambuscades. "As soon," says one report, "as
we reached the top of the hills we gave a regular Indian
yell to let them know we were ready for the fray. It came
right soon. Captain Halt s company from Washington
county, and Captain Phil. Thompson s company from
Yamhill county, were in the hottest of the engagement,
and called for assistance, which was rendered. We then
moved towards the Touchet, and as we had beaten them
in the first attack we began to fear they would not follow
us further. The interpreter was sent to the top of a hill
to challenge them, which excited them somewhat. As we
neared the Touchet, Shaw was ordered to take twenty
picked men with good horses and cut off the Indians on
the left," they having been hanging all the morning on
the column in bunches, like swarms of hornets.

Shaw s detachment ran their horses for three-fourths of
a mile to a point which shut the Indians off from the
river; but they pursued a shorter route, intending to come
down the stream before the volunteers reached the timber,
and make a stand there. They were disappointed, the
volunteers gaining the point of advantage. The bravery
and determination of a few young men saved the Oregon
army on this occasion. The names of those so distin
guished, according to the report of the senior captain, were
Captains Hall, Owens, and Thompson, Sergeants Burch

THE CAYUSE WAIL 189

and Cooke, Quartermaster Goohue,. Judge-Advocate Rinear-
son, and Paymaster Magone. Captain English had been
left in charge of Fort Waters, and Captain McKay was ill
at Fort Walla Walla. Captain Maxon was, by an accident,,
placed in a position where he was compelled to conduct
the official correspondence, and therefore to leave his own
name out of this commendatory mention where it properly
belonged. 24

The troops on the right had also a warm engagement ii*
passing a fortification erected and manned by some of the
best warriors among the Indians. In passing this point
several volunteers were wounded, one of whom, William
Taylor, died soon after the battle. The Indians lost four
killed and fourteen wounded. 25 Their women cried and!
implored them to cease fighting, which they did, nor eouldl
any taunts excite them to renew the conflict.

The victory was with the volunteers, the Indians fioft
crossing the Touchet. Their yells and battle cries were?
changed to wailing; the sharp war rattle, and crack and
ping of musketry, were followed by the nerve thrilling
death song.

Thirty hours of fighting without rest or food 26 had left
the troops in a condition to be glad of a respite. They
arrived at Fort Waters on the sixteenth, with a better
knowledge of what was before them during the spring and
summer, should they not be able to take the murderers,
than they could otherwise have obtained. The Yakimas
might remain neutral, the Walla Wallas friendly, and the
Nez Perces keep their promises, still there were renegades
from all these and other tribes, and all the Palouses, who
like the Hessians of history were ever ready to fight on
any side for hire. There were more northern tribes who

24 Oregon Spectator, April 6, 1848. Oregon Archives, MS. 806.

-" The Catholic Magazine, volume VII., p. 491, gives the number of Indians killed
as fifty. It is an error.

2 "In a Narrative by Peter W. Crawford of Cowecman, Washington, is the state
ment that all the army ate in the thirty hours was one small colt. There is no men
tion of it in the reports, but it is probable enough.

190 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

had not yet declared themselves, and among whom were
the missionaries Walker and Eells, but who probably
would not dare to remain there after the news of the battle
should reach the Indians in their vicinity.

Colonel Gilliam was fully convinced of the gravity of the
situation, and held a council of his officers on the eight
eenth, at which there was not perfect unanimity of opinion,
a part believing it necessary to raise another regiment, and
(mother part that only men enough to hold the forts in the
Indian country were required. In any case provisions
were indispensable, and it was decided to proceed with half
the force to The Dalles to escort a supply train to Fort
Waters, Gilliam himself to accompany it to confer with
Governor Abernethy on the existing condition of affairs,
the peace commission having been an acknowledged
failure.

Agreeably to this plan, the companies of Maxon and
McKay, with their officers and others, left Waiilatpu on the
twentieth of March with a wagon train. At the springs
beyond the Umatilla, where they encamped for the night,
as the colonel was drawing a rope from a wagon with
which to tether his horse, it caught upon the trigger of a
gun lying on the bottom of the wagon, discharging it, the
contents entering his body and causing instant dearth. The
expedition hastened forward to The Dalles, and from there
Major Lee and Captain McKay, who was retiring from the
service on account of his health, conducted the remains to
the Wallamet valley, and at the same time conveyed a
report by Captain Maxon of the recent battle, and the
condition of the army for the information of Adjutant-
General Lovejoy and Governor Abernethy.

The death of Colonel Gilliam, while it was regretted
throughout Oregon, tended to remove some causes of dis
satisfaction in the army which was divided in its alle
giance to its commander. By some he was accused of too
great impetuosity, too little regard for military discipline,

THE GATU8E WAR, 191

and of injurious favoritism, even of ignoring the rights of
immigrants to their property, in disregard of the instruc
tions of the commander -in -chief, Governor Abernethy.
These complaints were made by officers, while the privates
were not inclined to quarrel with qualities which were
likely to be popular in the ranks, nor, perhaps, did they
always sympathize with the jealousies of their superiors.
Abernethy himself did not escape the criticism of officers
in the field, though for reasons quite opposite to those for
which Colonel Gilliam was censured.

As an example of the kind of insubordination referred
to, the following letter is quoted:

WAIILATPU, May 3, 1848.
Adjutant-General Lovejoy :

DEAR SIR : When I received the appointment of paymaster I
was wholly ignorant of the duties that devolved upon me by virtue
of my appointment, further than that set forth by the commanding
officer, whose language to me was as follows : "Paymaster Magone,
whatever may be taken by the army as government property, you
are directed to keep a correct account of, and whenever I order a
sale, either by auction or otherwise, you will appear present and
take note of what may be sold, and to whom, &c., &c., that it may
appear against the purchaser on the day of settlement with the gov
ernment." In our first campaign up Des Chutes river we obtained
some property, a goodly portion of which I then viewed as immi
grants , having seen several of the same articles on the thirty-first
day of last December in their wagons at Welaptulekt s, to which
place I had been sent by Captain Lee in search of arms and ammu
nition, &c., &c. I merely mentioned these facts to the colonel
previous to a sale of the property, for which I received a warm
reprimand from that officer. The property was then sold to the
highest bidder, and we proceeded on our way to The Dalles. One
gentleman discovered, after packing a large pot for miles, that it had
a leg broken off, was cracked, &c., either by accident or otherwise
as the case might be, and requested me to erase his name from my
list. I refused. The colonel then appeared in person and requested
me to do it; and so it was, on all occasions. He reserved to himself
the right of saying when a man s name should or should not be
erased. Several of the horses sold at The Dalles were given up to
friendly Indians who claimed them, and also at this place. After
Colonel Gilliam left there was a new leaf turned over in the horse
account. They were all appraised, and those who stood most in

192 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

need got first choice. I have kept a correct account of everything
that has come into my hands in any way, but at the same time it is
impossible for me to send you a correct report, for if all the horses
claimed by friendly (bless the mark!) Indians are given up, there
will be few, if any, left. I have at present two thousand three hun
dred dollars on my books, besides between seventy-five and one
hundred names of persons who received horses as gifts from Colonel
Gilliam, and with which I had nothing whatever to do, as they

Iwere given at different times and places without reference to day,
date, or anything of the kind. On the twentieth of March I was
chosen to fill the place of Major Lee until the return of that officer,
and Mr. Knox was appointed in my place by Colonel Gilliam.

I remain, dear sir, with respect, your obedient humble servant,

J. MAGONK.

Lieutenant-Colonel Waters wrote April fourth :

Adjutant Wilcox, and the sergeant-major, having left with Col
onel Gilliam, I found it necessary to appoint suitable persons to
fill the vacancy of the same for the time being. I also pursued the
same course in relation to the judge-advocate. * * There is a
deficiency in the number of horses. The cause of this is, that some
have been killed in action, as was my own ; some have been taken
by the Indians; and others have failed, and we have left them.
The exact number we cannot ascertain, as there was a deficiency
previous to Colonel Gilliam s departure. I would mention some
thing further relative to our situation, but as you will have all the
particulars in my letter to the governor, and from others, I will
drop the subject for the present : Oregon Archives, MS. 854.

On the fourth of May, S. B. Knox, who had been ap
pointed paymaster when Magone left for The Dalles, wrote
to the adjutant-general:

The sale of horses at this place to different individuals, after
being appraised, and taken at the appraisement, has amounted to
one thousand and twenty-four dollars ; but several of those horses
have since been claimed and given up to the friendly Indians by
order of Colonel Waters, and others claimed that are not given up,
and will not be given up unless ordered so by Colonel Lee upon his
taking command. * * It is my opinion that there will be but
few more horses given up to the so-called friendly Indians : Ore
gon Archives, MS. 1004.

As to Gilliam the man, the community of his fellows
understanding him, and generously refusing to impute

THE CAYUSE WAR. 193

blame to the patriot who died in the discharge of his
duty, the legislature of 1849 passed a resolution declaring
that it entertained "the utmost confidence in the integrity
of the said Colonel Gilliam, and that the stores receipted
for by him to the commissary department, and the pro
ceeds of the said sale of horses, were by him faithfully and
properly applied to the public service." It was also
further resolved : " That the heirs of the estate of Cornelius
Gilliam, deceased, be and they are hereby discharged
from all responsibility to the Oregon government for the
military stores distributed to the army, and horses sold by
his order for the benefit of the Oregon government . And
tfyat the commissary-general is hereby authorized to
transfer the said military stores and horses to the credit
of their proper accounts." 2

The death of Gilliam left Lieutenant-Colonel Waters in
command, and here again there arose discontent because
Governor Abernethy appointed Major Lee to the command,
leaving Waters in the second place. His action was both
applauded and blamed. As a rule, the favorites of the
governor were not those of the western people, who now
formed the bulk of the population ; but the letters from
the army on the promotion of Lee were generally con
gratulatory. 29

*&gt; Oregon Archives, MS. 2014.

2r *H. A. G. Lee was a Virginian, a descendant of Richard Lee, founder of the Old
Dominion family of that name. He was about thirty-one years of age, well educated
and conscientious, having been trained for the profession of theology. But not being
very strong in his belief in the inspiration of the bible he occupied himself with
travel, and in 1843 came to Oregon, spending his first winter at Waiilatpu. After the
Cayuse war he went to the California gold mines, and was successful. He brought a
stock of goods to Oregon City, and entered into a partnership with S. W. Moss, a
daughter of whom he married in 1850. He died a few years later while on a voyage
to New York.

CHAPTER VIII.

ABERNETHY S LETTER TO Gi LLI AM CONDITION OF THE ARMY APPEAL OF MAXON

EFFORTS OF THE WOMEN OF OREGON CITY" COMPACT OF FIFTEEN YOUNG
LADIES GOVERNOR S PROCLAMATION LEE S APPEAL MORE COMPANIES RAISED

DIFFICULTY OF SENDING MEN TO THE FRONT WITHOUT MONEY APPLEGATE S
LETTER TO PALMER LETTER TO LEE AFFAIRS AT THE DALLES EN ROUTE TO
FORT WATERS CONDITION OF THE COMMISSARY STORES INDIANS MORE FRIENDLY

LEE FINDS THE REGIMENT IMPROVED, AND RESIGNS His COMMISSION ACCEPTS
ANOTHER INSTRUCTIONS OF THE GOVERNOR TO THE SUPERINTENDENT OF INDIAN
AFFAIRS OVERTURES OF THE YAKIMAS AND OTHER TRIBES LEE S CHARGE TO
THEM FRUITLESS PURSUIT OF THE CAYUSES AGREEMENT WITH THE NEZ PEKOES

OFFER OF A REAVARD FOR THE CAPTURE OF THE CAYUSES RESULTS OF THE
CAMPAIGN CAYUSE LANDS CONFISCATED WITHDRAWAL OF THE ARMY FPRTS
WATERS AND LEE HELD UNTIL SEPTEMBER ARMY DISCHARGED LEE S RESIGNA
TION AND EXPLANATION SUSPECTED PRIESTS FOURTH OF JULY AT FORT WATERS

RAIDS IN THE WALLAMET VALLEY.

To UNDERSTAND why Colonel Gilliam determined to re
turn to the seat of government, the following letter should
be taken into consideration :

OREGON CITY, March 17, 1848.

I received your communication of the twenty-ninth ultimo on
the evening of the fifteenth instant. I regret that so many of our
volunteers were wounded, and sincerely hope they may all recover.
The Indians have learned by this time that the Americans are not
women, and I think their feelings will change with their opinion.
The probability is that the warm reception they intended giving
you, having been returned with such heavy interest, will be the
means of concluding a peace with the tribes. Fear will deter them
from uniting against the whites. I am put in possession of data
from Walla Walla up to seventh March, by which letter I under
stand "that all that could be done will be accomplished without
further bloodshed." This is an extract from General Palmer s letter
to Mr. McBean. The Walla Walla chief remains friendly. This is
good under these circumstances, which no doubt transpired after
your letter was written. I have made no requisition for more men.
The fact is, it is impossible to get men without money, and money
you know we have not.

I expect to hear further from you in a few days. Your next letter
will, I think, determine me what course to take. If more men are
needed, the legislature must come together, and a direct tax be levied
on property. I hope, however, this may be avoided. If the tribes

(194)

THE GAYUSE WAR. 195

do not unite, your force can hold Waiilatpu until we get assistance
from California. I think the Henry, Captain Kilborne, will be there
in ten days from this, and I hope w r e shall immediately get aid.
Please present my thanks to the officers and men under your com
mand. I will add there is now one hundred barrels of flour at the
Cascades and Dalles. Captain Garrison was instructed to remain
with his company at The Dalles.

I remain, sir, your obedient servant,

GEORGE ABEBNETHY,
Col. C. Gilliam, Governor of Oregon Territory.

First Regiment Oregon Riflemen, Waiilatpu.

Events had transpired since the governor s declaration
that no more men could be enlisted without calling an
extra session of the legislature, which made it imperative,
if the war was carried on, that more companies should be
raised, and that without loss of time.

Meanwhile the army was in a sorry condition. Captain
Maxon, immediately on arriving at The Dalles, where he
found a reenforcement of one company only, under Joseph
M. Garrison, sent his report below to the adjutant- general.
He reminded that officer that there remained at Fort
Waters, which was an enclosure of but a few feet in height,
only one hundred and fifty men, almost without clothing
or ammunition, and wholly without bread. He appealed
to fathers to send bread to their sons, who were keeping
danger away from their hearthstones; to mothers to pro
vide clothing to protect their children from the winter
blasts; to young women to frown upon every young man
who refused to volunteer to defend their honor and their
common country, and to every one to hasten the supplies
for which he was waiting at Fort Lee.

This picture of destitution, which was true in every
particular when Gilliam set out for The Dalles, was, at the
time Maxon s report was written, considerably ameliorated,
as appears from a letter by Jesse Cad waller, a private in
Thompson s company, on the fourth of April, and before
the news of the colonel s death had reached Fort Waters;
for this correspondent says that thirty bushels of wheat,
besides peas and potatoes, had been found, and the mill

196 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

had been repaired for grinding. Beef also was plenty,
which the men busied themselves in slaughtering and
drying, in preparation for a campaign.

However, Captain Maxon s appeal was well timed. It
had the effect to revive volunteering, and to awaken a
more personal sympathy with the army. The matrons of
Oregon City set on foot an organized effort to provide
clothing for the soldiers; 1 while the young women entered
into a compact to withhold their favor from any young
man who would not fight in defense of them and their
country. The fear of losing their land claims, should
they long absent themselves, had kept many men without
families at home; but in the published compact the young
women agreed to protect the claims abandoned, that their
owners might go to the war. This agreement was signed
by "fifteen young ladies of Oregon City;" nor was the
^protocol without effect.

The governor also issued the following proclamation :

Recent accounts from the seat of war show that the Indians are
in pretty strong force, and determined to fight. Many of the tribes
have expressed a desire to remain peaceful, but there can be no
question that the slightest defeat on our part will encourage portions
of them to unite against us, and if they should unfortunately suc
ceed in cutting off or crippling our army, it would be a signal for a
general union among them; fear is the only thing that will restrain
them. It is necessary at the present moment to keep a strong force
in the field to keep those friendly that have manifested a desire for
peace, and to keep the hostile Indians busy in their own country,
for the war must now either be carried on there, or in our valley.
The question is not now a matter of dollars and cents only ; but
whether exertions will be made on the part of citizens of the territory
to reenforce and sustain the army in the upper country, and keep
down the Indians (which our men are able and willing to do if
supported ), or disband the army and fight them in the valley. One
of the two must be done. If the army is disbanded, before two
months roll round we will hear of depredations on our frontiers,
families will be cut off. and the murderers on their fleet horses out
of our reach in some mountain pass before we hear of the massacre.

JThe president of this society was Mrs. N. M. Thornton, and the secretary Mrs. E.
F. Thurston. Mrs. Hood, Mrs. Robb, Mrs. Crawford, Mrs. Herford, and Mrs. Leslie
were active members.

THE CAYUSE WAIL 197

Many young men are willing to enlist and proceed to the seat of
war, but are unable to furnish an outfit ; let their neighbors assist
them, fit them out well, and send them on. As a people we must
assist and carry on the war. I hope sincerely that the government
of the United States will speedily extend its protecting care over us,
but in the meantime we must protect ourselves, and now is the
time. I therefore call on all citizens of this territory to furnish three
hundred men in addition to the number now in the field. Three
new companies will be organized and attached to the regiment com
manded by Colonel H. A. G. Lee ; each company to consist of
eighty-five men, rank and file; the remainder will be distributed
among the companies already organized ; the enlistments to be for
six months, unless sooner discharged by proclamation or relieved
by the troops of the United States. Each man will furnish his own
horse, arms, clothing and blankets. The companies will bring all
the ammunition, percussion caps, and camp equipage they can, for
which they will receive a receipt from the commissary-general.

All citizens willing to enlist will form themselves into detach
ments in their several counties and be ready to march to Portland,
so as to arrive there on the eighteenth day of April, on which day
Colonel Lee will be there to organize the new companies ; after
which the line of march will be taken up for Waiilatpu. If a suf
ficient number of men to form a foot company appear on the ground,
they will be received as one of the above companies.

In witness whereof, I have signed my name and affixed the seal
of the territory.

Done at Oregon City, this first day of April, 1848.

A paper in Lee s handwriting, but without signature,
seems to have been written to stimulate enlistment, as fol
lows:

He asks permission, as one who has as little to defend in Oregon
as any one, to make " an appeal to your good sense arid patriotism,
in behalf of your own interests, your families, your prosperity, your
own personal safety. I should do violence to my own sense of duty,
as well as injustice to my country, were I to suppress the conviction
which circumstances and facts have forced upon me of our common
danger, and of the absolute necessity of an immediate, united, and
vigorous action on your part to secure the safety of the settlements
by holding the enemy in check abroad, which can only be done by
reenforcing and sustaining the troops now in the field. No country
ever furnished a volunteer corps of braver, better soldiers than
Oregon has done ; but these men feel themselves entitled to, at
least, the means of defending the lives and property of you who
remain in quiet and ease at home, as long as you have the power to
furnish those means. * * * It is confidently believed that could

198 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

you see the present condition of the soldiers now in the field, a
part of them three hundred miles from their homes and families, in
the heart of an enemy s country, without a mouthful of bread,
many of them almost naked, and the whole of them without the
powder and lead to defend their own lives against the attack of
hostile forces within fifty miles of them, you would rise up to a man
and render such assistance as is in your power to furnish them
the absolute necessaries of life, more than which they do not ask
without which they must return to the settlements. Let this truth
tell upon the good sense of every man we must conquer the
enemy in their own country or fight them in our midst. Although
many of the tribes profess friendship and refrain from hostilities
while the seat of war is kept in their midst, where they have much
to lose, that friendship will only last while it serves their own
interest, the very principle which will prompt them to join the
enemy the moment there is the least hope of victory on their side
for then it would be as necessary for them to be friends to the
enemy as it now is to be friends to us. Whenever, therefore, the
seat of war is moved to the settlements where we have all to lose
and they to gain, we will have ten times their present numbers to
contend with."

The combined effort of the regimental officers, the gov
ernor, and the ladies, had the effect to arouse the people to
fresh activity. Meetings were held in several counties,
and about two hundred and fifty men enlisted. Polk and
Clackamas raised one company, J. W. Nesmith, captain;
Linn, one company, William P. Pugh, captain; Yamhill
and Tualatin, one company, William J. Martin, captain.
Clatsop county sent a few volunteers. The means to equip
was raised by subscription. 2

Popular as was the war, it was a difficult matter putting
another battalion in the field. The commissariat had at
no time been maintained without great exertion on the
part of its officers, and often great sacrifices on the part of
the people. The commissary-general s sworn and bonded

- The muster rolls do not always show where credit is due. H. J. Peterson of Linn
raised a company, which proceeded to Portland, in April^ where it was probably ab
sorbed by the reorganization of the battalion. Granville H. Baber raised a company
also, in Linn. As first organized, he was captain ; Jeremiah Driggs, first lieutenant ;
J. M. McConnell and Isaac Thompson, sergeants. The men from Clatsop were 8.
B. Hall, D. H. Kinder, John Richey, R. W. Morrison, and N. H. Everman : Oregon
Spectator, May 4, 1848.

THE GAY USE WAR. 199

agents in. every county had from the beginning strained
every nerve to collect arms, ammunition, and clothing, for
which they paid in government bonds or loan commisson-
ers scrip. As there was very little actual cash in circula
tion, 3 and as the common currency of Oregon had been
wheat, it had come to pass that "wheat notes" had been
received in place of cash as contributions to the war funds.
The wheat thus collected could be sold for cash or its
equivalent at Vancouver, and thus, after passing through
the circumlocution office, this awkward currency, which
had to be gathered up, stored in warehouses, hauled to boat
landings, set adrift upon the Wallamet, hauled around the
falls at Oregon City, and there reloaded for Vancouver, was
there at length exchanged for real money or goods.

The collection of provisions for the consumption of the
army was another matter, and not less burdensome. The
agents could refuse no lot of provisions because it was
small or miscellaneous, nor reject any articles of use to
soldiers because they were not of the best. 4 Lead was
purchased in any quantities from one to several pounds,
and was hard to find, 5 all that was in the country being
that which was brought across the plains by the immi
grations for use upon the road. Powder and percussion
caps were obtained in the same way, or purchased with

! When the commissioners were making collections in Yamhill county, Dr. James
McBride was the only contributor of money, to the amount of two and a half
dollars.

4 James Force, commissary agent at Salem, in a letter to Palmer in January, says
he has succeeded in purchasing but six saddles. "The tree and rigging without
stirrups is eight dollars ; with stirrups and leathers, nine dollars ; trail-ropes, three
dollars." He bought four hundred and eighty-nine pounds of pork at eight cents ;
two hundred pounds at ten cents per pound ; five hundred and seventy-two pounds
or bacon at twelve and a half cents ; ninety-nine pounds cheese at twenty cents ;
seventy-four bushels of wheat at one dollar per bushel ; five bushels of wheat at one
dollar per bushel ; one pack-saddle, four dollars ; two parflaches, five dollars ; six
pairs saddle-bags, six dollars. He paid four dollars per day for teams to haul four
hundred and fifty pounds each to Butteville, where the goods were transferred to
boats : Oregon Archives, MS. 883. In another letter he complains that the only cooper
at Salem refused to sell barrels for any funds but cash, and he had no means of
getting even the sixty bushels of wheat purchased for flouring, to the mill, as the
farmers had no sacks. "I think," he says, "I can raise at this point one hundred
pounds of flour, and some pork." Oregon Archives, MS. 884.

5 Oregon Archives, MS. 864.

200 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

wheat notes at Vancouver. As commissioners funds grew
scarce, on the first call, some of the agents asked leave to
"press" the wheat of certain farmers whose granaries were
better filled than their neighbors; and on the second call,
leave was asked to press seven thousand bushels, equiva
lent to seven thousand dollars, from the granary of the
Hudson s Bay Company at Champoeg, because " the means
are absolutely not in the hands of the American citizens,
and without sufficient power or persuasion to raise them
from that source, they cannot be obtained. 7

On the commissary-general fell the responsibility of
deciding these matters, and it was a burden hard to be
borne amidst a multitude of advisors and critics. Palmer
was a man of extraordinary resolve, yet he was not
always certain of the wisdom of pursuing the only methods
left him to feed and furnish the army, and just at this
critical time he was led to abandon the wheat loan as a
means of raising funds. A letter written to him by Jesse
Applegate at this crisis in affairs throws a flood of light
upon the subject, and for this reason it is incorporated in
the text:

POLK COUNTY, Oregon, 27th April, 1848.

DEAR SIR: I have just had an interview with Mr. Fulkerson,
who informs me that you have become distrustful of the policy of
the wheat loan, and have instructed him to cease operations in that
matter whenever he had raised an amount sufficient to secure to me
payment for the beef cattle he purchased of me for the use of the
army. As I do not wish that you should assume a responsibility on
my account that you deem unsafe, I have taken this opportunity to
inform you that unless the plan of taking up wheat notes is made a
general practice, I do not wish any notes taken up for my exclusive
benefit.

I am myself in favor of raising a revenue by direct taxation, as I

6 A. J. Hembree of Yamhill county, in February, mentions having pressed one
hundred and eighty-seven and one-half bushels of wheat belonging to Jesse Apple-
gate ; also eleven bushels from Samuel Campbell, fifteen bushels from Andrew
Smith, fifteen from Pleasant Armstrong, seventeen from Ed. Stone, six and one-half
from A. Biers, and one hundred and thirty -five bushels from Ben Williams : Oregon
Archives, MS. 981.

" C. W. Cooke, April 10, 1848. He adds, " Hembree has raised some powder, lead,
and caps, a little cash, and about forty bushels of wheat ": Oregon Archives, MS. 946.

THE CAY USE WAR. 201

consider that method as the only fair and equitable plan of dis
tributing the burden of this unlucky war among the people who are
equally interested in its maintenance. But as the wheat plan has
been partially tried, and has been favorably received by the people,
and as it is the immediate offspring of the commander in the field,
and has the approval of the executive and the loan commissioners,
I do not think it should be lightly abandoned. Because those who
have given notes already have done so under the supposition that
all would be called to do the same ; that it was actually a tax, with
out the odious feature of compulsion, and they are the more willing
to contribute in this shape to the wants of the government, as it is
anticipated by the people generally that ultimately a tax will be
levied upon them against which their voluntary contributions will
be an offset. If the plan is now abandoned those who have given
notes will have just cause to complain that they have been induced
to do so under a misunderstanding, and will not be likely to incom
mode themselves much in the discharge of such obligations.

As it regards the increased responsibility to yourself by adhering
to this plan of raising means, I cannot for my life see that you can
any more suffer in pocket or character than from any other which
you have been forced to adopt in the successful discharge of your
duties. You know that a rigid construction of your duties as com
missary-general limits you to the bare investment of the means
placed in your hands; but our pecuniary embarrassments have been
such that you have been forced to supply the army without means,
and while your opponents cry out that by seizing provisions, bor
rowing money, and buying property as commissary-general, your
acts were extra official; yet by taking this responsibility alone, you
have so far been able to furnish the army and keep them in the
field; and by your great exertions and perseverance in these unlaw
ful acts you have gained that good will of the people they so much
envy.

The office-seekers, of course, wish your downfall and will com
pass it if they can; not because they have discovered faults in you,
but on the contrary, they fear the people may duly appreciate the
ability you have displayed, and the great personal sacrifices you
have made in their service; and if they can, by alarming your fears,
drive you to abandon a policy which so far has been successful, and
obtain for you the character of vascillation and uncertainty, they
will succeed in their object, which is to deprive you of the confi
dence of the people, and which once lost is scarcely ever regained.

If you have the right to make purchases and receive property,
your right to receive money or property of any kind that can be
made available to the use of the army is certainly unquestionable;
so I think the only question with you to decide is as to the policy
of the measure. If you think it will be for the good of the commu
nity to adopt it, carry it out to the fullest extent; if you decide

202 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

against its utility abandon it at once, and undo, if you can, what
has been done in the matter. For my part, I would not touch a
note obtained from my neighbor for my exclusive benefit, and at
the expense of the disgrace of a friend.

Sincerely your well-wisher, JESSE APPLEGATE. 8

It is hardly necessary to enter more into detail concern
ing the difficulties that heset men holding office under a
provisional government without a treasury, or the material
out of which government funds might grow ; and we might
go far to find a nobler expression of true patriotism or sus
taining manly friendship than Applegate s letter. Yet
there were commissary agents and men in the army who
were as staunch patriots, if not as able statesmen, as the
author of this document.

Lee was not ignorant that those whom Applegate calls
office-seekers were opposed to his appointment, as his cor
respondence with the governor shows, and he was reluctant
to accept it, but was overruled by his friends. When he
had accepted he was in danger of being prevented from
doing anything by the ill success of the commissary s
agents. Again the watchful Applegate put his shoulder
to the wheel. He says, in a letter to Lee, April sixteenth :

I take this opportunity to speak three words to you. I find some
of the friends of the former commander will do everything they can
to injure you. Never mind them. If you can bring the Indians to
an engagement, and make a short campaign, you will not only serve
your country in the best possible manner, but place yourself beyond
the reach of envy. To enable you to do this I would make almost
any sacrifice. I found Fulkerson had got but one beef to feed you
up, and you know Palmer had no other resource for it. I have sent
fifteen beeves, and will give the last hoof I have rather than your
movements should be crippled for want of means. I found no
money at home, nor could get any at O Neil s. I have sent four
beeves by Tetherow to be sold, and the proceeds, except ten dol
lars and twenty-five cents, to be given to you on my private ac
count. * * * It is needless to say I wish you success. 9

Lee s trouble did not end when he finally repaired to

8 Oregon Archives. MS. 866.

9 Oregon Archives, MS. 863.

THE CAY USE WAIL 203

The Dalles in his new dignity of colonel. Officers were
resigning and men deserting; the former, because their
private interests were suffering, or because they had some
personal grievance; and the latter a small number to
enrich themselves by the timely appropriation of Indian
horses, which they stealthily drove into the Wallamet
valley over the Mount Hood road as soon as the spring
was far enough advanced.

The company under Captain Joseph M. Garrison, which
was enlisted in March to reenforce Colonel Gilliam, had
proceeded as far as The Dalles before that officer s death
became known, and had been instructed to remain at that
post for its better protection ; but owing to domestic affairs
Captain Garrison was compelled to return home, leaving
his company under the command of the first lieutenant,
A. E. Garrison, who was in doubt about the captain s re
turn. Captain William Martin resigned his command
about the last of April, his lieutenants with him, and
about a dozen of his men. An election for new officers
resulted in the choice of G. W. Burnett for captain.

These changes so soon after his appointment to the col
onelcy annoyed Lee, as perhaps they were in some in
stances intended to do. He reorganized as rapidly as
possible, preparing to take the field, leaving Fort Lee un
der the command of Brevet Captain R. W. Morrison, who
was ordered to observe the most strict military rules, no
Indian being permitted to enter the fort after sunset, ex
cept upon special business, and under guard. When chiefs
came or sent on friendly missions, they were to be well
treated, but not given any information which could be
turned to the prejudice of the army. He was to remem
ber that Indians were deceitful and treacherous exceedingly;
to make them no promise he could not meet in good faith,
nor utter any threat he was unable to execute. He was to
look after the morals as well as the military improvement
of his men, and " never allow the soldiers to equalize them
selves with the Indians." 10

10 Oregon Archives, MS. 2009.

204 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

On the second of May, Lee wrote to Adjutant- General
Lovejoy : " We leave tomorrow for Fort Waters, with a
pack horse to each mess, and five provision and one ord
nance wagon. Des Chutes and John Day rivers are both
to be ferried in small canoes, which will greatly retard our
progress." 11

On the fifth, and before Lee s arrival at Fort Waters,
Captain Maxon wrote to Lovejoy that he had come from
The Dalles in eight days without any serious loss one
wagon broken down, one horse lost by breaking his leg,
and one by running away, but three good horses belong
ing to the regiment were found on the road. "The signs
for a fight were very encouraging after passing Willow
creek, but the devils feared to attack us, so we lost the
glory. * * We are here doing nothing. I have

been very anxious to go after the Indians for several days,
but am overruled. Some think we are not able to cope
with them. I believe, with plenty of ammunition we can
whip a thousand easy, and am willing to try it any time,
rather than the murderers should get away. The mur
derers are on Snake river, about seventy-five miles away-
We have already lost every horse almost, and I fear the
consequences now. A majority seem determined to await
Colonel Lee s arrival. I am for walking into them at once." 1
In a postscript was added that the friendly Cayuses were
" mad " about something ; and Peu-peu-mox-mox " very
sulky yet. It would be better for us if they were all our
open enemies."

Lieutenant-Colonel Waters, about the same date, wrote
to the adjutant-general that on a late inspection of the
commissary department he had discovered fraud of the
basest kind had been practiced upon the government and
tlie army by citizens of the Wallamet valley. Several
barrels of flour, so laboriously brought there by Max on s
company, proved to be mixed with coarse shorts in the

n Oregon Archives, MS. 936.
12 Oregon Archives, MS. 853.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 205

proportion of seven pounds of shorts to five of flour, "and
reel as a fox tail at that." Other barrels had good flour
for six inches at either end, and fine shorts all the way,
between. The volunteers preferred, he said, if it werc\
necessary for them to accept more shorts than flour, to
have them put up in separate parcels. 13 And the wheat J
for this flour had been subscribed to the army funds by I
the people, and ground in the governor s mills! \

Waters also wrote to Colonel Lee, May fifth, that the
Indians had recently "changed their sentiments" toward
the Americans. Tauitowe, Otter-skin Shirt, Sticcas, Ca-
maspelo, with their people, had returned to the Umatilla,
and professed friendship, but he distrusted them. The
plains in that direction were covered with their stock, and
among them he believed the stock of the murderers was
herded. Welaptulekt, whom he suspected of treachery,
had been a prisoner at the fort for ten days, and would
be detained there until the colonel s arrival. About one
hundred Nez Perees, and several chiefs, were at Waiilatpu
awaiting his arrival. They desired to have a talk with
the proper authorities, and have a head chief appointed in
place of Ellis, who, with sixty of his people, had died of
the measles while on a buffalo hunt. The Cayuses were
angry with the Nez Perees, and only the night previous
had threatened one of them with death at the fort gate
for fighting with the Bostons. 14

This was the state of affairs when Colonel Lee reached
Waiilatpu about the ninth of May. Here, as might have
been foreseen, the men differed in their choice of a leader,
and Lee, who had accepted his promotion over Waters
conditionally, hastened to return his commission, 15 and
that of his adjutant, C. W. Cooke. "I find," said he, "the
regiment greatly improved under command of Lieutenant-

" Oregon Archives, MS. 910.
* Oregon Archives, MS. 1021.

15 You are aware of the manner in which I accepted the appointment, and will
not be surprised to see the commission returned : Oregon Archives, MS. 998,

206 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Colonel Waters. I have great confidence in him, and
doubt not the troops will find him competent to the task
before him. To prevent any discord or rupture in the
regiment, at the request of the officers and men, I have
consented to act as lieutenant- colonel during the approach
ing campaign." Waters had already been sworn in, as
appears from his letter of the fifteenth of May to the
adjutant-general, in which he says, that "on Colonel Lee s
arrival at this post he delivered up his command to me.
* * Colonel Lee, at the request of almost every man
in the regiment, has consented to act as lieutenant-colonel.
The prospects are now fair before us, and I trust we will
soon be on our way to the valley. I intend to start in
pursuit of our enemies in a few days, and doubt not that
we will be able to accomplish our end."

Very soon after his return from Waiilatpu in March,
Palmer had resigned the superintendency of Indian affairs,
as being, jointly with his other duties, too burdensome;
and Governor Abernethy when he made Lee colonel, per
suaded him to act also os Indian superintendent, a duty
for which he was well prepared by acquaintance with its
requirements, having assisted both Dr. White and the
governor in controlling the interior tribes. The governor s
instructions to Lee in this capacity ran as follows:

EXECUTIVE OFFICE, OREGON CITY, 10th April, 1848.
SIB : I would refer you to my instructions to the commissioners
and superintendent of Indian affairs under date of third February
last. The adjutant-general will furnish you with copies of instruc
tions sent to Colonel Gilliam. In addition, I would remark should
the murderers be scattered, and you think it unadvisable to follow
them, in making a treaty with the tribes keep in view the safety of
the immigrants and the people of this valley. The only way in
which this can be done wilt be by binding the chiefs to protect
them, giving them to understand that if Americans are molested in
person or property, that we shall hold them responsible. Impress
on their minds the fact that the murderers are few, and their 16 people
many. You will get all the information you can respecting the

10 Our people appears to be meant.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 207

murderers, where located, and their probable intentions. I think
Joe Lewis and others have gone to the Mormons. A few men, well
selected, might follow them, and by sending on one or two men
into the city accompanied by some of the Fort Hall people, they
might be arrested. I leave this, however, to your own judgment.
Hoping that you may be successful in bringing thte war to a
close, I remain, your obedient servant,

GEORGE ABERNETHY,
Governor of Oregon Territory.
Colonel H. A. G. Lee,

First Regiment Oregon Riflemen.

Lee learned from Maxon at The Dalles that the Yakima
chiefs had paid the major a visit to express their friendly
feelings. They said, "We do not want to fight the Ameri
cans, nor the French; neither do the Spokanes, a neigh
boring tribe to us. Last fall the Cayuses told us they were^
about to kill the whites at Dr. Whitman s. We told them\
that was wrong, which made them mad at us; and when
they killed them they came to us and wished us to fight
the whites, which we refused. We love the whites ; but they
say, if you do not help us to fight the whites when we have I
killed them we will come and kill you. This made us cry,/
but we told them we would not fight, but if they desired
to kill us they might. We should feel happy to know
that we die innocently." To these friendly professions
Maxon replied with the assurance of the American pur
pose to make war only on the murderers and those who
harbored them. "We that fight," said he, "do not care
how many bad people we have to fight. The Americans
and Hudson s bay people are the same as one, and you
will get no more ammunition until the war is at a close."

The news of a change in the superintendency having
reached Fort Waters and the Indians in advance of the
reinforcement, was the occasion of the presence at Waii-
latpu of a large body of Nez Perces. So impatient were
they that an express was sent to meet Lee at John Day
river with a request for a council, in response to which he
hastened forward, arriving at the fort in advance of the

208 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

new companies. Richard was appointed high chief on
account of his superior attainments and good character;
and Meaway, a very peaceable man, as war chief. These
appointments were not objected to at the time, only quietly
acquiesced in; but later Richard was assassinated, as it
was thought, by a political enemy, and another high chief
elected.

The affairs of the Nez Perces being settled, a council
was held with the Walla Wallas and the Cayuses who
had returned to the Umatilla. They, seeing that compa
nies of armed Americans continued to come from the
Wallainet, and being informed of the expected arrival
of the United States mounted rifle regiment, on its way
as it was supposed, from Fort Leavenworth, were humble
accordingly. "The friendship of the Indians," wrote Col
onel Waters, "increases with our numbers." Even Peu-
peu-mox-mox, who had deeply resented the act of the
legislature withholding ammunition from the Indians
without distinction of tribe or individual, and who had
threatened to join the murderers in retaliation, confessed
his shame at having done so.

"I told him, and all that were present," wrote Lee, "that
\ve were bound to hold this country until the murderers
were punished, the stolen property returned, and that
which had been destroyed paid for; and then asked them
what they were going to do; whether they would try to
settle the matter and let us go home about our business,
and leave them to theirs, or would they hold off as they
had done, and leave us here to hold the country with our
guns?"

It was certainly not an easy question to answer. The
conditions were as hard as they were unavoidable, for if
they complied with the demands of the Americans they
should have to fight among themselves, and if they refused
they would be compelled to fight the Americans or leave
their country. Even in the matter of property, they found
they were likely to be impoverished by an attempt to pay

THE CAYUSE WAR. 209

the Cay use v debt. "I showed them," says Lee, "the bill of
articles taken at this place, and those taken from immi
grants along the road, as also at Barlow s gate, and told
them we would forget nothing." Nothing more definite
resulted from the council than professions of a desire for
peace and friendship.

Meanwhile, preparations were making at the fort for a
pursuit of the murderers, who were believed to have taken
refuge in the Nez Peree country; and on the seventeenth
of May over four hundred men set out upon the march to
the Clearwater. They encamped that night on the Coppei,
and on the following morning Lee was detached with
Captain Thompson and one hundred and twenty-one men
to proceed to Red Wolf s camp at Snake river crossing to
be ready to intercept the flight of the fugitives to the
mountains, while the main force would march to the river
at the mouth of the Palouse, and crossing there, prevent
them from escaping down to the Columbia.

Several Palouse chiefs had offered their services in fer
rying the army across, but were nowhere to be found when
the troops arrived, Major Magone with four men being
compelled to cross Snake river on a raft to search for the
means of transporting men and baggage to the north side
of that then turbulent stream. A day was spent in find
ing the Indians, and a day and a half more in effecting a
crossing, swimming the horses and ferrying the troops.
At noon on the twenty-first they were once more under
way, being piloted by an Indian who promised to bring
them to the camp of Tiloukaikt.

On the following day a messenger arrived from the
Chernekane mission, bringing a letter from Mr. Eells, to
whom Colonel Waters had written to inquire as to the
disposition of the Spokane tribe. According to the infor
mation thus gained they were not altogether in harmony,
although they did not pretend to excuse the murderers.
Forty-three of the tribe accompanied the courier, who
pointed out to Waters where Tiloukaikt s cattle were

210 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

grazing, and offered to bring them in. With the latter
came two Nez Perces, thought to be spies, who informed
him that Tiloukaikt had fled to the mountains, but that
the greater portion of his stock was being herded by a few
Indians near Snake river, and could easily be captured.
Major Magone was directed to bring it in, and to capture
any Indian who behaved suspiciously.

Probably there was never an Indian war in which,
under so great provocation, the men behaved with more
humanity towards the enemy than in the war of the early
settlers of Oregon with the Cay uses. Now and then, how
ever, some impetuous or revengeful volunteer, or officer
desiring to distinguish himself, construed his orders to suit
his sentiment on the occasion, and this seemed to have
occurred on Major Magone s errand after Tiloukaikt s
stock, for the flight of a frightened savage, running away
from his natural enemy, the white man, caused a squad of
troopers to pursue him to kill, rather than to capture.
According to Major Magone s report, Baptiste Dorion,
himself a half-Indian, son of the Madam Dorion of Irving s
Astoria, set off at full speed without orders, followed by
several others, and the fleeing Indian was killed before
the major, owing to his having a poor horse, could call a
halt. The fugitive had at last taken refuge in a canoe
when he was discovered and shot, as was also another
Indian. That the act was considered unjustifiable, is
proven by the notice taken of the incident at the time.

Magone found none of Tiloukaikt s people, but only a
few Columbia river Indians, under Beardy, who directed
him to the camp of Richard, high chief of the Nez Perces.
Both Beardy and Richard assured him that Tiloukaikt
was far out of the country towards Fort Hall.

Richard, at the same time, informed the major that an
express had gone from Lee at Lapwai to Colonel Waters,
carried by two white men only, 17 a piece of news which

17 The bearers of this express through an Indian country where the murderers
were still supposed to be lurking were C. W. Cooke and David Guthrie.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 211

caused him to hasten his return to the main command,
with such of Tiloukaikt s stock as could be gathered up
without loss of time, and much to the dissatisfaction of
his men, who were out of all patience with Indians who
professed friendship, yet who constantly shielded the mur
derers, as even the Nez Perces were doing by allowing
them to escape through their country. "I would have
given more general satisfaction to the men by ordering
them to wipe from the face of existence those professed
friendly Indians, without distinction or mercy," he said in
his report, and hinted that only obedience to orders re
strained him as well as them.

The dispatch from Lee stated that he had been met at
Red \yolfs crossing with the assurance that the guilty
Cayuses had fled, leaving behind all their property, some
of which was about Lapwai; that he had gone there to
collect it on the twenty-first, and had remained several
days, during which he had talked with the Nez Perces, ex
plaining that the invasion of their country by armed men
was solely with the object of arresting the Cayuses : but that
since they were not to be found he should take possession
of their property. If the Nez Perces were true friends
they would aid, instead of concealing anything from him
which would forward the ends of justice. To this they
assented, and agreed to assist in driving to Waiilatpu 18
the Cayuse stock, which amounted to one hundred and
eighteen horses and forty head of neat cattle. Lee desired
further orders, and was directed to return at once to the

18 There seems to have been a treaty with the Xez Perces drawn up at the time of
Palmer s visit to Waiilatpu in March, which promised peace and friendship towards
the Americans ; to refrain from aiding the Cayuses, or from giving them refuge in
their territory ; to aid the Americans, as far as they could without bloodshed, in
punishing the guilty ; and to respect the persons and property of such white men as
the superintendent should send to reside among them.

On the part of the commissioners, it was agreed to permit no white men to settle
upon the Nez Perc6 lands, except such as just named, but the superintendent was to
hear their complaints, and protect them. The right to pass through each other s
country was to be maintained, and finally, the Americans and Nez Perces were to be
friends and brothers.

This treaty is not mentioned in the report of the proceedings at Waiilatpu, though
the unsigned draft of it is among the papers of the provisional government.

212 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

main command, which he proceeded to do, crossing Snake
river in boats made of the skin lodges of the Cayuses,
abandoned in their flight, and arriving at camp about the
twenty-fifth.

Before leaving Lapwai, Lee s command offered a reward
of several hundred dollars for the apprehension of the
murderers, or any two of the principal men; or half of the
whole for any one of them, and one-quarter of the sum for
the capture and delivery of certain less responsible of the
murderers; but this offer produced no effect, although the
Nez Perces appeared to be in earnest in promising their
best efforts to bring the criminals to justice. This docu
ment, which is preserved in the Oregon archives, is inter
esting as illustrating the poverty and patriotism of the
volunteers:

CLEAR-WATER CAMP, 23d May, 1848.

We, the undersignejl, promise to pay to the Nez Percys or other
Indians, or their agent, the articles, sums, and amounts annexed to
our names, respectively, for the capture and delivery to the authori
ties of Oregon territory, any two of the following named Indians,
viz., Teloukikt, Tamsucy, Tamahas, Joe Lewis, or Edward Telou-
kikt ; or half the amount for any one of them. We also promise
to pay one-fourth of the amount as specified above for the capture
and delivery of any one of the following, viz., Llou-Llou, Pips,
Frank Escaloom, Quiamashouskin, Estools, Showshow, Pahosh,
Cupup-Cupup, or any other engaged in the massacre. The same to
be paid whenever the service is rendered, and the fact that it has
been rendered established : Burrel Davis, two blankets; Edwin F.
Stone, two blankets, four shirts; P. F. Thompson, fifty dollars in
goods; Harrison C. Johnson, two blankets; A. K. Fox, one blanket;
James Etchel, one blanket; D. B. Matheny, one blanket, one shirt;
Jeptha Garrison, two shirts; Wm. A. Culberson, two blankets; Jesse
Cadwaleder, two blankets; Josiah Nelson, one blanket, one shirt;
Martin F. Brown, two blankets; Isaac Walgamot, one blanket;
John Eldridge, one blanket; A. S. Wilton, one blanket; J. W.
Downer, one blanket, two shirts; Jacob Grazer, one blanket; Thos.
J. Jackson, two blankets, two shirts; Clark Rogers, one blanket;
John Scales, one blanket; Hiram Carnahan, two shirts; John Co-
penhaver, one blanket, two shirts; Isaiah C. Matheny, one blanket,
one shirt; Benjamin Taylor, one shirt; M. B. Riggs, one blanket,
two shirts; E. C. Dice, five shirts; S. E. Elkins, one blanket; J. W.

THE CAYUSE WAR 213

Burch, two blankets, five shirts; M. A. Ford, four shirts; J. Butler,
four shirts; John Orchard, four blankets; C. W. Cooke, twelve
shirts; J. J. Tomerson, one blanket, one shirt; John Doran, two
blankets; William Rogers, one blanket, one shirt; D. D. Dusking,
two blankets, two shirts; F. T. McLentick, five shirks; Wm. Mc-
Kee, one blanket; John McCord, one blanket; J. L. Snook, two
blankets; J. Scudder, one blanket, one shirt; R. Mendenhall, one
blanket, one shirt; John Carlin, one blanket; Wm. Olds, one blanket,
one shirt; Philip Peters, one blanket, one shirt; Laurence Hall,
fifty dollars in goods; A. M. Poe, five dollars in goods; Jas. R.
Bean, five dollars in goods; Jackson Reynolds, five dollars in goods;
Jason Peters, five dollars in goods; Franklin Martin, one blanket;
Robt. Loughlin, one blanket; Geo. Frazier, four shirts; James M.
Owen, one blanket, one shirt; John Menoia, two shirts; Josiah
Lowrey, two shirts; J. J. Louk, two shirts; G. W. Pibern, two
shirts; R. Christinan, two shirts; Stephen King, one blanket, twq
shirts; John McLosky, one blanket, one shirt; Aaron Cone, two shirts;
Robert Harman, two shirts; Wm. Hailey, one blanket, two shirts;
Jas. O. Henderson, one blanket; Fred. Ketchum, two shirts; Joel
Welch, four shirts; J. G. Fuller, two shirts; J. C. Robinson, two
blankets; F. R. Hill, one blanket; Fred. Paul, wheat, five bushels;
Peter A. Wice, one shirt; Charles Bolds, one blanket; Jas. E. Alsop,
one blanket, one shirt; Daniel P. Barnes, one blanket, one shirt;
Henry Coleman, one blanket; Wm. W. Porter, one blanket, one
shirt; A. M. Peak, one blanket; W. Holman, one blanket, one shirt;
I. N. Gilbert, two dollars; Fales Howard, one shirt; O. S. Thomas,
one shirt; John Monroe, two shirts. Total, one hundred and twenty-
five dollars in goods and wheat; blankets, sixty-seven; shirts, one
hundred and four.

The first rough draft of this agreement reads, "We, the under
signed, pledge ourselves in faith and honor to pay to the Nez Perces or
any other Indians who will deliver, at Oregon City, Tiloukaikt and

Tamsuckie, blankets, shirts, to be placed in the hands of the

superintendent of Indian affairs, for the prompt payment of the
sums affixed to our names we consider this a written obligation."
On the back of the same paper, in pencil, is the result of a vote to
sell the property taken from the Cay uses : Yeas Hall, Owens,
Maxon, Martin, Pugh, Shaw, Nesmith, Burnett, Waters. Nays
Thompson, and Lee. The vote on being reconsidered stood, not to
sell: Nesmith, Hall, Thompson, Burnett, Martin, Pugh. To sell:
Maxon. It is easy to see Lee s influence in the matter. It almost
always prevailed: See Oregon Archives, MS., 522.

In J. Henri Brown s Political History of Oregon a valuable
contribution to the historical literature of the state, he is led, no
doubt, by the failing memory of the men of 47, into the error of
plufing this subscription of the twenty-third of May, at Oregon

214 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

City, whereas it was gotten up in the regiment when it was on the
Clearwater, as an inducement to the Nez Percys to pursue the
Cayuses, which they failed to do.

It was by this time evident that the campaign would
have to be brought to a close, even without the capture of
the murderers. Summer was close at hand when the
harvest in the Wallamet valley must be gathered. In the
summer, too, the Cayuses would be able to subsist them
selves in the mountains, scattering to every point of the
compass, where a thousand troops could not overtake
them. Yet the campaign had not been without results.
As long as only a few men remained cooped up at Fort
Waters, Tiloukaikt made bold to move about with his
herds within a few hours ride, but the coming of the last
four hundred assured him that the Americans were going
to carry out their intentions and drove him, a fugitive,
and poor, far away from home.

The effect upon the other tribes was also salutary. The
Nez Perces were confirmed in their friendl} 7 disposition.
The Palouses, although treacherous as ever, found it to
their interest to make overtures of good will; and the chief
of the Walla Wallas so far forgot his grievances as to take
(upon himself to hang one of the murderers whom he
found on the Yakima, at a fishing station ; and to send
word to McBean that he was in pursuit of Thomas, who
murdered the miller at Dr. Whitman s. Although these
concessions were signs of fear rather than of love, they
were accepted by the commander-in-chief. and in the field,
with satisfaction.

Having become convinced that to remain longer in the
country would result in no further good, and was, in fact,
becoming daily less practicable through the poverty of the
commissary department, Colonel Waters, after consulting
with his officers, decided to return to Waiilatpu. Captains
Thompson and Nesmith were directed to proceed to Lapwai
for the purpose of removing the family and property of
the Indian agent, Craig, who felt unsafe while the mur-

THE CAYUSE WAR. 215

derers were at large. These arrived at camp on the
twenty-ninth of May, and at Fort Waters on the third of
June.

The missionaries, Walker and Eells, still remained at
Fort Colville whither they had gone when fighting began
in the Cayuse country, and it was the general verdict of
the army that they ought to be conducted out of it before
the troops disbanded; but it was not thought quite safe to
further weaken the garrison by sending two companies to
Colville. Major Magone offered to go with fifty men should
that number come forward for this service, or with any
number down to ten men. On the call for volunteers, over
one hundred offered, but only fifty-five were accepted.
With this force the Messrs. Walker and Eells, with their
wives and children, and a Miss Bewley, sister of the cap
tive of that name, were taken safely to The Dalles, to
which post the army was already on the march, 19 having
left Waiilatpu on the eighth of June. On reaching that
place Colonel Waters found a letter from the governor,
dated the fifteenth of June, in which he was directed to
hold a council with the superintendent of Indian affairs,
and come to a decision in regard to remaining in the
upper country, and recommending that one company of
eighty-five men, rank and file, should be left to garrison
Forts Waters and Lee until the arrival of the expected
United States regiment of mounted riflemen seventy at
Waiilatpu, and fifteen at The Dalles.

But this matter had already been arranged, and, as usual,
by the sagacity of the lieutenent-colonel. On the return
to Fort Waters a council of the officers had been held, to
decide upon the question of holding the fort through the
summer, or until the United States troops had arrived, or

in That Major Magone was pleased to perform this gallant duty is evident from his
report. He relates that several of the Spokanes shed tears on parting from their
teachers.

Joseph Magone was born in Ogdensburg, New York, February ilO, 1821 ; was a
miller by occupation. He came to Oregon as captain of a company in 1847. After
the Cayuse war, he went to the California mines and was fortunate ; was married in
1850, his wife dying in 1859. He has written au account of his life for publication.

216 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the annual immigration had passed. Upon putting it to
vote there were six negatives to five affirmatives. Lee
then requested that a call should be made for volunteers,
which was ordered, but later countermanded. " Knowing,"
says Lee, "that such a step (as abandoning the fort) would
be yielding up the little advantage we had gained over
the enemy, and believing it would be not only a violation
of general orders, but a matter of disappointment to the
people in the valley, I resolved to make one more effort,
independent of the voice of the council. To make this
effort successful, I found it necessary to pledge myself to
some responsible men, that I would give them a written
authority to colonize the country immediately, securing
them as far as in my power against future treaty stipula
tions prejudicial to their interests. This pledge was ac
cordingly made in good faith to Captain Philip F. Thomp
son of Yam hill, Mr. James Taylor of Clatsop, and their
associates. A call was then made for fifty volunteers to
remain until September fifteenth next, with a promise
from Captain Thompson, that he would return by that
time with families to settle the country."

This offer proved successful, and more than the required
number of volunteers remained under Captain Martin.
Lee took care in reporting his acts to the governor, to en
close an article for the Spectator, intended to help the
colonization of the country, stating that there were then
in the Cayuse country grist and sawmills, blacksmith
anvils, bellows, and tools, iron, plows, harrows, hoes, a
crop of wheat, pease, potatoes, and corn, with almost every
convenience for forming a settlement; that the country
was peculiarly adapted to wool-growing and cattle-raising,
holding out greater inducements to farmers than the
Wallamet valley, and that the beauty of the country and
the climate was unexcelled. This estimate of the Walla
Walla valley, then hardly credited by the settlers of
western Oregon, has since been more than verified.

But Lee desired the governor s approval, and assurance

THE CAYUSE WAR. 217

of the legality of the grant. To his inquiries Governor
Abernethy replied that the organic law of Oregon did not
limit settlement to any part of the territory, and although
it might be impolitic to occupy the lands of friendly
Indians, there could be no impropriety in occupying those
of the murderers, provided the party taking possession
were strong enough to hold it and maintain peace. He
desired, in case this plan should be carried out, that the
lands and improvements of the Presbyterian missions
should be reserved. The governor, therefore, approved
the scheme, 20 which, indeed, from a particular point of
view was a military necessity. But it certainly conflicted
with the statement several times iterated to the Cay uses
and Nez Perces that it was individuals whom the govern
ment sought to punish, and not the nation. It was true
the conduct of the nation in sheltering its guilty members
gave a color of right to the act; but such nice distinctions
were not familiar to the savage mind. The very thing
was about to happen which the Cayuses had killed Whit
man to prevent, namely, the settlement of their lands by
white people. The governor s sanction being obtained, a
proclamation appeared in the Spectator of July thirteenth,
under the title of " Forfeiture of the Cayuse Lands," with
a eulogy intended to promote their settlement.

When Lee was at The Dalles he gave notice to the
Catholic missionaries engaged at that time in erecting
buildings for a mission, that none should be established
by any denomination until the presence of the United
States troops in the country should make it safe and
proper. They desisted, but Rev. Rosseau remained, and
cultivated a farm, without teaching openly. The oblate
father returned to the Yakima country, keeping very
quiet; and the bishop of Walla Walla wandered about
the country with the unsettled Cayuses. In this manner
they held their ground.

Fort Lee was left in charge of Lieutenant Alexander T.

20 Oregon Archives, MS. 930, 939.

218 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Rodgers, one non-commissioned officer, and thirteen men. 21
The remainder of the regiment with Colonel Waters was
not detained to await Magone s arrival, but hurried across
the mountains or down the river to their homes, many
without waiting to be discharged at the appointed rendez
vous on the Clackamas river.

Colonel Waters, being in bad health, was unable to
accompany the regiment across the mountains, and took
the river route to Oregon City, which owing to adverse
winds proved a tedious one, so that he was unable to meet
the companies on the Clackamas. Lee had withdrawn
from any connection with the army when the campaign
closed at Fort Waters; and although he crossed the moun
tains with the regiment, Captain Hall was in command.
On arriving at the rendezvous Hall was compelled to
grant furloughs subject to the order of the governor.
"This step, * wrote Waters, "was perhaps objectionable,
but I am disposed to believe the best that could have
been taken under the circumstances." Palmer informed
the governor, who was absent from Oregon City, that the
men were "perfectly reckless" and "regardless of conse
quences," on getting so near home. Always ready to
perform their duty in the field, they cared little for the
conventionalities of army life, and longing for a sight of
beloved faces, risked their meager and doubtful pay to
gratify this home hunger.

On reaching Oregon City, Lee, who must always be
regarded as one of the most conspicuous figures in the
history of the war, declined his commission, and with it of
course the pay, in the following letter:

OREGON CITY, June 24, 1848.
To Governor Abernethy :

DEAR SIR : Having fulfilled my promise to Colonel Waters, and
the officers and men of the regiment, in accompanying them through

21 The report of Lieutenant Rodgers, August fourteenth, gives the strengch and
condition of the force at Fort Lee as one lieutenant, one orderly sergeant, thirteen
privates, seven horses, ten saddles, six bridles, eight rifles, four muskets, three shot
guns, fifteen shot pouches, and powder horns. No fifes, drums, or colors.

THE GAYUSE WAR. 219

the late campaign, J consider myself released from any further mili
tary connection with the regiment^ that connection having expired
by limitation on our return to Fort Waters. Consequently, 1 there
withdraw from the regiment.

On the road from that place to Fort Wascopam, I met a commis
sion filled out for myself as lieutenant-colonel. This doubtless grew
out of a misunderstanding of the consent I gave to act as such for
the time. When I resigned my commission as colonel, I believe I
was only yielding to another what I knew he considered his rights,
and my consent to fill an office under him was purely from a wish
to preserve peace, friendship, and good feeling in the regiment until
a last effort should be made to punish the enemy, and not to gratify
any ambition to fill an office. In resigning the former office, there
was no sacrifice, but on the contrary a high degree of pleasure. In
submitting to the latter, though temporarily, I confess there was a
sacrifice required. It was made, as long as necessary to the success
of the campaign. With the necessity my obligations expired.
With high sense of obligation and duty to the community, and
a sense of gratefulness to your excellency, I beg leave to decline the
proffered honor. You are aware that no election in the regiment to
fill that office could be legal, while there was no vacancy, even if
the appointing power had been vested in the regiment. So that all
I did in that capacity was by mutual consent, and not legal au
thority.

I remain, yours truly, H. A. G. LEE.

The public mind was beginning to settle down to its
ordinary composure, when a fresh excitement was spread
through the settlements by the information furnished by
Lieutenant Rodgers at The Dalles, that the Catholics at
that place were inflaming the Indians, and that a large
quantity of ammunition and arms were being taken into
the Indian country by the Jesuit fathers. The amounts
were so much larger than the Oregon army had at any
time been able to command at one invoice that the alarm
occasioned by it seems justifiable. 22 At all events the
packages were seized by Lieutenant Rodgers, and sent to
Oregon City to be taken charge of by the governor, while
the superintendent of Indian affairs wrote to Rev. M.

- There were thirty-six guns, one thousand and five hundred pounds of balls,
three hundred pounds of buckshot, and one thousand and eighty pounds of powder.
The whole Oregon army had been able to obtain no more than five hundred pounds
of powder : Oregon American, August 16, 1848 ; Oregon Spectator, September G, 1848.

220 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Acolti for an explanation of the matter. Acolti replied^
that he did not object to the seizure if the governor
thought it prudent, unless it was the intention to confis
cate it; but he reminded the superintendent that there
was no law prohibiting the transportation of arms through
the Indian country, but only the distribution of them to
) the Indians. His explanation of the incident was, that
j the packages seized contained the annual supply of the
\ four Jesuit missions of the Flatheads, Pend d Oreilles,
\ Coeur d Alenes, and Okanagons. These people lived by
\ the chase, and required ammunition. Indeed, the sub-
I sistence of the priests themselves depended upon a proper
[supply. Besides, a certain amount was required by the
/white men and half-breeds about the missions; and a part
/ of that seized was destined to the British possessions,
/ where the Jesuits had an extensive mission. Dividing
1 the whole amount among all these stations, and thou
sands of Indians, Acolti held that the amount was not large
enough to cause any alarm.

"With respect to the advice you give me," wrote the priest to
Lee, " that there is more excitement and bitter feeling against the
Catholics as a body than ever has existed in Oregon before, I believe
the fact. Yet, sir, I presume that you who hold authority, and who .
have had an opportunity of knowing how things have been, and
who are not .biased by prejudice I presume that you and all sen
sible citizens know that it is not through any fault of the Catholics
if this fact exists, that the Catholics have done nothing to cause
excitement or bitter feeling against them, and that the fact is based
only upon unfounded suspicions, growing out of unjust prejudices
and a groveling jealousy. I thank you for your frankness, and I
will not fail to profit by your advice whenever circumstances shall
allow me; and I can assure you that I, as well as all the priests, will
beware of doing nothing 23 that may be incentives to violence and
disorder, or to evade or circumvent the laws of the land. I hope
you will give me credit for the freedom of my expressions, and that,
content with the purity of the intentions of the Catholic priests, you
will no longer be surprised at my singular proceedings, but labor

23 This lapse from Grammat, as well a/s the use of the word "credit " below where
" pardon " was meant, is to be charged to the translator. Acolti was an Italian. He
came to Oregon by sea in 1844. He was transferred to California in 1855, and died
at San Francisco in 1878, distinguished for learning and piety.

THE CAYUtiE WAR. 221

cwith all benevolent citizens to anticipate the unfortunate effects of
the excitement which is so unjustly raised against the Catholics, is
the confidence with which I have the honor to remain, sir,
Your obedient servant,

M. ACOLTI."

Governor Abernethy endeavored to quiet the excitement,
and in a letter to R. W. Ford, who had published an article
in the Oregon American and Evangelical Unionist, edited by
J. S. Griffin of Tualatin plains, said:

I am well acquainted with the Indian character, and know their
disposition to carry false reports from one to another, sometimes
merely to see what effect a report unfavorable to the person they
are speaking to will have. I am, therefore, satisfied that the In
dians, in making the statement they did to Mr. Rodgers, did it to
mislead him. For I cannot believe that the priests would be so
remiss as to say anything of the kind to the Indians while there is
so much excitement in the community.

This was, it is true, a rather weak defense, but was better
than the inflammatory articles that certain anti-Romanists
were eager to place before the public, the influence of
which remains to this day in Oregon, many respectable
persons of the pioneers, and their children, firmly believ
ing that the ammunition which was intercepted, and sent
to Oregon City when Fort Lee was abandoned, to lie for
months in the governor s storehouse, was intended by the
Catholics to exterminate the Protestants in Oregon. No
proof of any such intention was ever apparent.

In December, a petition was presented to the legislature
to expel Catholics from the country, which was rejected.
They were not permitted to return to the Umatilla, but
retained possession of all their other missions. In Febru
ary, 1849, the legislative assembly having inquired of the
governor what disposition had been made of the arms and
ammunition of the priests, he replied that he had felt
himself justified in retaining possession of them until
then ; but application had been made to him to return the
property to Vancouver to be placed to the credit of the
Catholic missions on the company s books, accompanied

222 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

by an assurance that no powder should be sent to the
upper country without the sanction of the Oregon govern
ment, and that he had done so.

The proclamation which discharged the first regiment
of Oregon riflemen was dated July 5, 1848, the only por
tion excepted being the men left at Forts Waters and Lee.
On the twelfth, the commissary-general wrote to the
governor that the men thus detailed were in need of
clothing and provisions; that having no funds on hand
in his department to supply them, he had called on the
loan commissioners for an amount barely sufficient to
subsist these men until October first, when their term
would expire; but that the commissioners had replied
that they had no funds, and believed it impossible to
raise any; and as the decision of the board had been that
they were not authorized to execute bonds for debts he
might contract, it was no longer in his power to supply
the troops. 24

Meanwhile, by hook or by crook, the volunteers in the
Indian country got on very well. The mill had been re
paired, and some large caches of grain discovered. They
celebrated the fourth of July in due form with a feast and
patriotic toasts drunk in water, among which was: "The
American flag, the only thing American that will bear
stripes," said to have been proposed by a "young Miss
Wickliffe," 25 of Oregon City.

24 Palmer asked the commissioners for one thousand dollars for subsistence and
six hundred and eighty-eight dollars for clothing : Oregon Archives, MS. 1010.

25 The following letter is interesting as a picture of the times in the interior at this
date. It is written July fifth to Lee by C. W. Cooke: "As the Messrs. Priests will
start down tomorrow, altho I have nothing important to comrmmicate, I cannot
forego an opportunity of informing you of some things that have transpired in this
delightful portion of God s heritage, vulgarly known as middle Oregon. We saw not
an Indian, and heard no news from the time of your departure up to the tAventy-
eighth proximo, when Moolpool and Tintinmitzie came from the Grand Round and
informed us that the Kayuses were all there, and the murderers high up on Burnt
riyer. The most of the Kayuses will be back here in a few weeks. Richard and Red
Wolf took supper with us three nights gone, and told us that the Snakes have killed
five Nez Percys, and that they are making preparations to go immediately against the
Snakes. It is Indian news, and you know the reliability of the information. Being
myself very skeptical, and knowing Mr. McBean s superior facilities for detecting

THE GAYUSE WAR. 223

The volunteers performed the duty of holding the
Cayuse country, and patroling the immigrant road to the
satisfaction of the Oregon government and the immigra
tion. Since the opening of the road, never had the Indians
behaved so well. The murderers, reduced to poverty, and
without ammunition, kept out of the way of hoth volun
teers and immigrants. Thus the Cayuse war came to an
end, it might be said, for want of powder. The murderers
had not been hung, but they had been severely punished,
and the Cayuse nation, as such, had lost its prestige
forever.

As might have been expected, some of the more restless
tribes in western Oregon were affected by the war rumors,
and early showed signs of insurrection. These were the
Molallas and Klamaths, who ranged about the head of the
Wallamet valley, and over into the Klamath basin. Be
lieving that the warriors among the white men had all
gone to give battle to the Cayuses, these Indians made
several incursions into the settlements, committing acts

Indian falsehood and obtaining truth, I came here ( to Walla Walla fort) today to see
him, and I find that he places the utmost confidence in the report. He is also of
opinion that there is a prospect of serious difficulty between Young Chief and Yellow
Serpent, owing to some recent misunderstanding. I give it to you as I hear it. I am
not responsible for its authenticity. No news from the United States. I m becoming
impatient. I am looking for the troops every day. We did not forget that yesterday
was the fourth of July. Indeed, we paid to it all the deference and honor of which
in our circumstances we were capable, with guns, songs, hymns, and national an
thems. Everything passed off quietly, and in genteel military order. I have sent
Mr. Wait (editor Spectator) some scraps. See him for particulars. I am anxious to
know what will be done by the United States government in relation to this country.
I have no interest in the place at Fort Waters, and so many have taken claims already
up here, that I deemed it not improper to at least secure that place for Perrin ( Whit
man), provided it be lawful to take claims here now, and yourself nor the governor
do not want it for a military post, or agency, and the missionaries do not claim it for
the board on account of previous occupancy. Then, if you think it expedient to enter
it for Perrin before it is taken by others, you will call for a beginning stake three-
fourths of a mile southwest of the old buildings ; thence north one mile to a stake :
thence east one mile to a stake ; thence south one mile to a stake ; thence west one
mile to the beginning, including the improvements of the late Dr. Whitman. The
corn is silking, and our wheat is ripe for harvest. The boys are cutting today. I
think we will have between two hundred and three hundred bushels. I find some
half dozen commissions among the waste papers in the loft and send them to you
for disposition. My respects to the governor and family, and General Palmer and
family, &lt;fcc. Three of McBean s horses, branded " H. B.," have been taken to the
valley. Tell the quartermasters to please see to it. Dr. Lydan, the poet, and all the
boys, send you their compliments :" Oregon Archives, MS. 1009, 1026. In such friendly
and unmilitary fashion did the whilom adjutant address his late superior.

224 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

against peace and order, apparently to test the ability of
the settlers to protect themselves.

The most impudent of these raids were the rape of a
young girl in Lane county, some cattle thefts in Benton
county, and an attack on the house of Richard Miller in
Champoeg(now Marion) county. It happened that one
Knox, whose home was in Linn county, was carrying the
first United States mail ever delivered in this part of
Oregon, and saw a man running from Indians, to gain the
shelter of Miller s house. He put spurs to his horse, and
notified the settlers along his route as quickly as he could.
These mounted and spread the alarm, until by morning a
company of men and boys numbering one hundred and
fifty were rendezvoused at Miller s place, from which the
Indians had in the meantime retired with threats of mis
chief. An organization of this force was at once effected,
Daniel Waldo being elected colonel, and R. C. Geer, Allen
Davy, Richard Miller, and Samuel Parker, captains.

The Indian encampment was on the Abiqua creek where
it comes down from the Cascades to the valley, and towards
this the volunteers marched, the mounted men proceeding
up the north side, and the foot soldiers up the south side. 26
When the Indians discovered the horsemen, they began
crossing to the south side and fell into an ambuscade of
the footmen awaiting them. After a few shots had been
exchanged, the Indians retreated up the creek, having two
killed. As the day was nearly spent, those who had fam
ilies to protect returned home, and the single men and
boys encamped at a farmhouse to be ready for an early
start next morning. Those who could do so rejoined them
at daybreak, and they overtook the Indians, retreating on

26 R. C. Geer wrote an account of this affair in the Salem, Oregon,, Statesman, which
was copied into the San Jos6 Pioneer of September 1, 1877, from which the above is
taken. He mentions the following names: William Parker, James Harpole, Wilburu
King, James Brown, S. D. Maxon, L. A. Bird, Israel Shaw, Robert Shaw, King Hib-
bard. William Brisbane, . Winchester, Port. Gilliam, William Howell, Thomas
Howell, George Howell, William Hendricks, Len. Goff, Leander Davis, G. W. Hunt,
James Williams, J. Warnock, J. W. Schrum, Thomas Schrum, Elias Cox, Cyrus Smith
T. B. Allen, Henry Schrum, and Jacob Caplinger.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 225

the Klamath trail with their best marksmen apparently
in the rear. One of the volunteers was hit in the breast
by an arrow which failed to penetrate, but the balls of the
frontier riflemen went home. The Indians were driven to
bay at a pass of the stream where the cliffs came down
precipitately on the south side, and the current would not
permit them to cross. Here, fighting the best they could,
seven warriors were slain, and two women wounded one
of the warriors, however, being a woman armed.

When the battle was over it was discovered that the
actual marauders had eluded them, and those who had
suffered were their families and camp guards. Ashamed
of their easy victory, the volunteers built a large fire in a
comfortable camping place, and left the wounded women
to be found and cared for by their relatives. So sensitive
were the participants in the "battle of the Abiqua," that
it was seldom referred to, and never mentioned as among
tha defensive measures of the colonists in 1848. Yet the
punishment inflicted, and the knowledge imparted on and
to the savages on the southeastern border, proved salutary,
and put an end to raids from that quarter.

On the west side of the valley the inhabitants had some
trouble with the Calapooias and Tillamooks, who mur
dered an old man, and stole cattle from the settlers. A
collision occurred in March, in which two Indians were
killed, and ten other marauding savages taken and "*
whipped. This punishment had the effect to intimidate
them, and secure order in that quarter.

On the tenth of April, Superintendent Lee appointed
Felix Scott sub-agent of Indian affairs, and notified him
that it was advisable to raise a company for the defense of
the southern frontier, and asking him to undertake the
duty. This he did, enrolling a company of less than half
the regulation number. 27 He was commissioned captain
of the independent rifle rangers May 11, 1848, and pro-

27 No roll of Scott s company exists. It was probably never more than twenty-five
strong.

226 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

ceeded up the valley, finding the settlers much disturbed
by the conduct of the Indians, and rumors of attacks upon
travelers. 28 Scott found but few of the predatory natives
in the Wallamet, they having retired through the moun
tain passes to places of safety. On the seventh of July he
was ordered to proceed to southeastern Oregon to escort
the immigrants by the southern route, a duty which he
performed with only nineteen men, and without serious
interference by the natives. 29

C "* John Saxtou, who wrote a little book about Oregon, was coming from California
with a band of one hundred horses in April. His party consisted of six men, and
the Klamath and Rogue river Indians hanging upon their trail caused the loss of
sixty-five of their animals : Oregon Spectator, May 4, 1848.

20 Scott was a Virginian by birth, and had been lieutenant-governor of Missouri.
In 1845 he crossed the plains to California, coming to Oregon in the spring of 1846,
and settling in Yamhill county. In 184$ he went to the gold fields of California, and
the following year removed to Lane county in this state, where he was largely inter
ested in stock-raising and lumbering. In 1858 he went by sea to New York, thence to
Kentucky, and was on his way home with a herd of blooded horses, when he was
killed by the Pit river Indians near Goose lake, and his horses taken.

CHAPTER IX.

CORRESPONDENCE OF ABERNETHY WITH UNITED STATES OFFICERS AND OTHERS CON
CERNING THE CONDITION OF OREGON LETTERS TO SHUBRICK LETTER OF GOV
ERNOR MASON TO ABERNETHY ABERNETHY TO MASON OGDEN TO ABERNETHY,
ONE AND Two ABERNETHY TO OGDEN ABERNETHY TO HARDIE REPLY OF
HARDIE ABERNETHY TO PRESIDENT POLK APPOINTMENT OF PICKETT INDIAN
AGENT UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER AT HAWAII RECEIVES A LETTER MUNI
TIONS OF WAR ARRIVE AFTER PEACE is RESTORED GOLD DISCOVERED MES
SENGER MEEK REACHES WASHINGTON, AND THE TERRITORIAL ACT is PASSED
LANE APPOINTED GOVERNOR AND MEEK MARSHAL INDIAN TROUBLE ON THE
SOUND ARRIVAL OF THE MASSACHUSETTS WITH Two ARTILLERY COMPANIES
SUB-INDIAN AGENT SERVICES OF DR. TOLMIE THE MOUNTED RIFLE REGIMENT
DESERTION OF THE MEN SURRENDER, TRIAL, AND EXECUTION OF THE MUR
DERERS FAITHFUL DISCHARGE OF DUTY BY THE REGIMENTAL AND ACCOUNTING
OFFICERS OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT REPORTS OF THE LOAN COMMIS
SIONERS, ADJUTANT-GENERAL, AND COMMISSARY AND QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL
SETTLEMENT OF THE CYAUSE WAR DEBT.

THE events narrated in the foregoing chapters, of so \
much importance to the Oregon colony, had transpired \
without the knowledge of the outside world. The letter of 1
Mr. Douglas to S. N. Castle of Honolulu, was not received /
until February, and was productive of no results. The
dispatches for California, which failed as has been nar
rated, to get over the mountains, were put on board the
brig Henry, which left the Columbia river about the
middle of March, arriving at San Francisco April twelfth,
leaving immediately for Mazatlan with government stores
for the United States troops in Mexico.

Such was the isolation of Oregon at this time that it
was not known to its legislature or governor that the
United States had taken possession of California, and the
communication first sent was addressed to the commodore
of the Pacific squadron, as follows:

OREGON CITY, December 28, 1847.
To W. Bradford j&hubrick, Commander Pacific Squadron :

SIR : The present state of affairs in Oregon induces me to address
you on the subject. I inclose herewith two papers which will inform

(227)

228 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

you of our situation, and the necessity there is of sending aid, if in
your power, as soon as possible. A sloop-of-war anchored in the
Columbia river at Vancouver, or near the mouth of the Willamette
river, would exert a powerful influence in our behalf. The Indians
would be led to believe that our chief, of whom they have often
heard, was ready to examine into and punish any wrongs they
might inflict on American citizens. A supply of ammunition could
be furnished to repel any attacks they might make on us, and would
also let the citizens of the United States dwelling in this distant
land know they w r ere not neglected. A vessel drawing sixteen feet
of water can enter our harbor in safety ; one drawing fifteen feet
can, I believe, get up the Columbia at any season of the year with
proper caution. I am aware that the present season is not the
most favorable for entering our river and ascending it, still mer
chantmen enter and depart at all seasons of the year.

Believing that you will do all you can to render us assistance,
I have the honor to remain, yours truly,

GEORGE ABERNETHY,
Governor of Oregon.

By the Henry, the governor wrote again the following:

. OREGON CITY, March 11, 1848.
Commander W. Bradford Shubrick :

SIR : I have written you under date of December twenty-eighth
and January twenty-fifth last, both of which failed to reach yon.
I herewith send letters and the Spectator, from which you can see
our present situation. Captain Kilburn, of the brig Henry, can
inform you on any subject you may wish to inquire of him. I
would again call your attention to the necessity of sending us one
or more vessels of war as soon as possible. Indians are restrained
by fear; they have a dread of cannon and man-of-war ships. I have
told them, a ship of war would be here in the spring. I am waiting
with anxiety to hear from the commissioners sent up to treat with
the Indians. Should we succeed in settling this affair, which is
uncertain, the presence of one of our ships at this juncture would
let them know that the Americans have it in their power to punish
them, and would probably deter them from further aggressions. I
have conversed with the pilot at the mouth of the Columbia. He
says that he can bring in a vessel drawing twenty-two feet of water.
Under his care any sloop-of-war under your command can enter our
river. Captain Kilburn says, if needed, he will come up in any
vessel sent by you.

Yours truly, GEORGE ABERNETHY,

Governor of Oregon.

THE GAYUSE WAR. 229

Notwithstanding all this writing and effort, the United
States transport Anita, commanded by acting Captain
Selirn C. Wood worth, arrived in the Columbia March six
teenth, without being at all aware of the condition of
affairs in Oregon. Instead of bringing the needed assist
ance, the Anita s errand was to raise men for the war with
Mexico, as the following correspondence will show:

HEADQUARTERS TENTH MILITARY DEPARTMENT. \
MONTEREY, California, January 28, 1848. J

To Ills Excellency, George Abernethy, Governor of Oregon :

SIR : From intelligence received here yesterday from Commo
dore Shubrick, commanding the United States naval forces off
Mazatlan, a copy of his communication is enclosed herewith, I
deem it of the utmost importance to raise a corps of one thousand
men to send to Lower California and Mazatlan as early as practica
ble. I shall therefore dispatch an officer, Major Hardie of the army,
to confer with your excellency, and if possible to raise in Oregon an
infantry battalion of four companies, to be mustered into the ser
vice of the United States to serve during the war, unless sooner dis
charged ; or, if it be impracticable to engage them for that period,
then to engage them for twelve months from the time of being
mustered into service, unless sooner discharged. The battalion will
consist of field and staff one major, one adjutant, a lieutenant
of one of the companies, but not in addition. Non-commissioned
staff one sergeant-major, one quarteVmaster-sergeant. Four com
panies (staff), of which to consist of captain, one first lieuten
ant, two second lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, two
musicians, and one hundred privates. Should the number of pri
vates, on being mustered, not fall below sixty-four effective men in
a company, it will be received. In the United States the volunteer
officers are appointed and commissioned in accordance with the
laws of the state from which they are taken. The officers from
Oregon will therefore, of course, be appointed pursuant to the laws
of Oregon, if there are any on that subject ; if not, in such mannei
as your excellency may direct, in which case I would respectfully
suggest that the company officers be elected by their respective
companies, and that the major be appointed by yourself; and I
would further respectfully suggest the extreme importance to the
public service, that the officers be judiciously selected. The place
of rendezvous for the several companies, as fast as they shall bo
organized, is necessarily left to yourself and Major Hardie.
I do not know how this call for volunteers will be met in Oregon,
but I flatter myself with the assurance that it will receive the

230 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

cordial support of your excellency, and I am certain will show that
the citizens of Oregon have lost no patriotism, by crossing the
mountains, and that they will be equally prompt in coming to their
country s standard as their brethren in the United States.
Yours respectfully,

R. B. MASON,
Colonel First Dragoons, Governor of California.

To this Governor Abernethy replied :

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, OREGON CITY, April 3, 1848.
To His Excellency, R. B. Mason, Governor of California :

SIR : I received your letter of the twenty-eighth of January last,
together with a copy of Commodore Shubrick s letter of sixth of
December last, and in reply would beg leave to state that in the
existing state of affairs in this territory, I do not think it would be
prudent on my part to send any men out of the territory. Before
this reaches you, my letters of December twenty-eighth, January
twenty-sixth, and March eleventh, together with copies of the Specta
tor, will have reached you, from which you will have learned our situ
ation, and the need there is of our being assisted by the government
of the United States. I have in these letters begged that a sloop-of-
war might be sent to our aid. I should have called for men, as we
need a few disciplined troops to take the lead, but concluded you
could not spare them. We need very much a few field pieces, balls,
and powder; a quantity of rifle powder and lead; and, in fact,
everything that is really needed to carry on a war. May I be per
mitted to ask your aid in furnishing us with these necessarj^ articles ?
T send you with this a Spectator of March twenty-fifth, also an
extra issued this day, and a copy of my proclamation calling for
three hundred men in addition to those already in the field; and it
is not at all improbable that I may have to call a large number of
men into the field to protect the Willamette valley. I am glad that
we have been visited by Major Hardie, as he can on his return in
form you more fully of our situation than I can by letter. I regret
that circumstances are such that this gentleman returns without the
aid you expected to receive from Oregon, and sincerely trust that
you will not lay it to our want of patriotism, for 1 assure you that
nothing would have afforded me more pleasure than to have met
the call of your excellency, and I have not a doubt but that it would
have been cheerfully responded to by our citizens.
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant,

GEORGE ABERNETHY,
Governor of Oregon.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 231

In evidence of the interest taken by the Hudson s Bay
Company in the affairs of the Oregon government, the
following letter of Ogden is interesting. It refers, prob
ably, to a letter to President Polk :

VANCOUVER, March 21, 1848.
Mr. George Abernethy :

MY DEAR SIR : I duly received your note, with the letter en
closed, which has been duly forwarded to the states, and trust it
will reach its destination in safety. Our express, three boats, thirty
men, three gentlemen, and our bishop, all well armed, left yesterday
afternoon, and the precaution has been taken to have thirty horses
in case they cannot proceed with the boats, as the express must go
on to its destination. Pray, what is the object of Woodworth s
visit? For volunteers, in numbers, it cannot be! his ship being
too small nor can the country afford, in its present unsettled state
of affairs in the interior, and I fear, likely to be, in the upper part
of the Willamette, if reports are to be relied upon, to spare any. I
fear it will require all to protect our adopted country. Appearances
have a gloomy aspect ; may we hope it will soon pass away, and
that brighter days are in store for us. I have written to my friends
on the east side, and forwarded those you sent. On the arrival of
our boats at Walla Walla, a party will return to this place, and if
Newell does not arrive from the interior, we shall then have no
news from the army. Mr. McBean has a good opinion of the com
missioners, and writes me they acted with judgment, but fears the
general will commit some rash act. What does Campbell report in
regard to the intentions of the American government in regard to
Oregon? Do they intend to let it stand over until the Mexican
affairs are finally settled? I hope not. It is now more than full
time decisive measures should be adopted for the safety of one and
all. You have certainly done your part well, and if the government
would but liberally supply the sinews of war money the country
can well be defended with her own resources. You ought to have
forwarded a duplicate of all your dispatches by our express in July,
and they would be in Washington ; if Meek does escape, they will
not be there long before that. 1

Yours truly, PETER SKEEN OGDEN.

On learning of the death of Colonel Gilliam, Ogden pre
pared an obituary notice for the Spectator, which he sent

!This rather blind sentence was meant to say that Meek s dispatches would not,
even if he escaped the perils of his journey, get to Washington long hefore the letters
by the Hudson s Bay Company s express. He was, however, in the United States two
months before.

232 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

to the governor, intending doubtless to influence the people
for what he believed to be for their good, as he was well
informed of the dissensions in the army :

VANCOUVER, April 1, 1848.
Mr. George Abernethy :

DEAR SIR : If, after perusal, you deem the enclosed worthy of
insertion in the Oregon Spectator, it is at your service ; if not, send
it back. I am not aware of the feelings of the good people of Ore.
gon in regard to the late Colonel Gilliam. He was a stranger to me,
and the outline of his character, which I have obtained from others,
may, perhaps, tend to have good effect.

I duly received your favor and thank you for your news, but on
some tidings I leave you to form your own opinion as to their being
good or bad. Many circumstances, and prudent ones, obliged the
army to retreat, thus stop the war. But, in our estimation, bearing
the cares, this cannot be called a retreat, or even a defeat. But un
fortunately, the Indians will take a different view of it, and give it
a different construction from ( temporary ) weakness of the army
during the absence of so many men to The Dalles. Should an
attack be made on the army I dread the result, but not if the officers
and men were united ; they would then make a formidable resist
ance. Captain McKay will give you every particular. His stay
here was too short to obtain correct information, and full allowance
must be made for his news ; but you know him well. He speaks in
high terms of the bravery of the volunteers in action, but not so
much so in regard to their discipline. I was glad to hear that he
intends to return, and the sooner the better. In case he should
change his mind, knowing his character so well, it would not at
all surprise me.

This day we have a report here in circulation of a war nearer our
firesides. Surely one is more than sufficient in the present de
fenseless state of the country, and more than sufficient for the
resources of this unfortunate and neglected country. In making
these remarks, I consider myself perfectly justified, for it appears
to me, and must also to many others, that the United States govern
ment has been more remiss in not sending, if not forces, the means
of defending it money. They may have cause to regret it when
too late, for I fear blood will be made to flow freely, and ere I leave
this subject, let me add that present appearances have a gloomy
aspect; and may brighter days now shine on us, is my fervent prayer.

Major Hardie has not yet honored us with a visit. I should regret
not seeing him, as from my long experience in this country I might
be able to impress on his mind the absolute necessity of rendering
us speedy assistance. Palmer s resignation did not surprise me.
Yours truly,

PETER SKEEN OGKDEN.

THE GAYUSE WAE. 233

That Ogden s assertion that the United States might
have to regret its supineness in regard to Oregon might
be construed to mean more than defeat at the hands of
the Indians, the governor s answer to this letter of Ogden s
makes apparent. That those who had to bear the heavy
responsibilities of the war should have thought of how
they were to bear them, in case the federal government
remained indifferent, was but natural. The means sug
gested are hinted at in the reply to the above :

OREGON CITY, April 4, 1848.
To Peter Skeen Ogden :

DEAR SIR : I received your favor of the first instant. I handed
the obituary notice to the editor, and feel very much obliged to you
for it, and hope you will occasionally favor us with your pen. I
regret very much the circumstances that caused the retreat of the
army to Waiilatpu, and were bringing Colonel Gilliam to this place.
I have heard for some time that there was a want of unison in the
army, and really hope that hereafter this feeling will be done away
with. I have appointed H. A. G. Lee colonel, in place of Colonel
Gilliam, deceased. I had appointed him superintendent of Indian
affairs before I heard of Gilliam s death. I am in hopes he will
succeed in establishing peace and obtaining the murderers. It is
uncertain about McKay s returning ; he says he has no wheat in
the ground. I have heard a good deal about the Klamaths, but
nothing official. All reports I receive are letters from one of the
volunteer captains, that incline me to think the reports (rumors)
are much exaggerated. I hope they are, for the credit of the set
tlers ; as you say, one war is enough." I hope Major Hardie will
visit you before he returns. You will see by the proclamation what
my feelings are on the war question. We are into it, and must keep
up a good front if possible. I think we will at least be favored by a
visit from an American sloop-of-war ; if we are not, I think our
government is determined to do nothing for us. Wonder what they
would do if we should apply to Great Britain for a loan of one hun
dred thousand pounds to carry on our operations ? I presume we
would have a government formed in double-quick time. Report
says more vessels are on their way. I have had application as fol
lows : to go to Washington, to Governor Mason, and to Salt Lake
for assistance. I am afraid the Mormons might be as bad as the
Indians, and have refused all. 2

Very respectfully, GEORGE ABERNETHY.

- The person offering to go to Salt Lake for assistance was Lansford W. Hastings,
who published The Emigrants Guide to Oregon and California in 1845. He wrote to F.
W. Pettygrove of Oregon City to see the governor about it.

234 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

At the very time that a United States transport was
lying in the Columbia river, the authorities of Oregon
were making application to the British tradtrs for sup
plies for American volunteers in the service of their coun
try. The answers received occasioned Governor Abernethy
to write the following letter to Major Hardie:

OREGON CITY, April 11, 1848.
Major J. A. Hardie, United States Army :

DEAR SIR : General Palmer intends leaving this morning for the
Anita to purchase a few blankets. We have but little money. We
need clothing and blankets very much. The men in the field are
very destitute. I am certain you will let him have them as low as
you can. If you could, by any possible way, give a small portion
of the United States property under your care to this territory in
the present distressed case, it would be gratefully received. Mr.
McKinlay said to a gentleman yesterday: "You ask for clothing
from us; here is one of your own vessels with just the things you
want; why don t they help you ?" You mentioned in conversation
that perhaps you might be sent up to muster our troops into the
United States service in Oregon. If this can be done, use your in
fluence with Governor Mason to effect it. If we should be able to
withdraw the most of them, we must still garrison the posts, and
protect the immigration as far as possible.

I am yours, etc., GEORGE ABERNETHY,

Governor of Oregon.

To this very reasonable appeal, as appeared from a
civilian s point of view, Major Hardie replied:

BARQUE ANITA, April 12, 1848.
To Governor Abernethy:

DEAR SIR : I have received by General Palmer your favor of the
eleventh instant, and take advantage of General Palmer s return to
Oregon City to send you a line in answer. I have no clothing of
any kind on board the vessel, and what camp equipage I have on
board belongs to the United States quartermaster s department and
cannot be sold. I could not find myself authorized to issue camp
and garrison equipage to the territory, though I should be glad to
afford any assistance to the war in my power. Had I powder and
lead, or other ordnance stores, and the danger to the territory was
imminent without such stores for immediate use, I should not hesi
tate to take the responsibility of issuing them upon your requisition.
I brought with me for the use of the men enlisted, two hundred

THE C Ay USE WAR. 235

and forty-five pairs of blankets to be delivered to them at govern
ment prices. They were put on board the barque at the sole risk
and responsibility of Mr. Edward Cunningham, a supercargo and
merchant on the coast of California, but at my request, it being my
impression that blankets were very high in Oregon, and that if a
volunteer (receiving an advance of twenty-one dollars to equip
himself) could purchase blankets at government prices instead of
the high rates of the country, it would be of great assistance to him,
and he would come into the service better equipped than under
other circumstances. Getting no volunteers, I have sold for Mr.
Cunningham (to people who would come on board to purchase) a
few pairs at the same price as for volunteers. I imagine this is the
cause of the impression which appears to exist abroad, that govern
ment is selling or disposing of its stores, clothing, etc.

Did these blankets belong to government, I should be risking
my commission did I sell a blanket, except it be under instruction
to that effect. General Palmer can explain the circumstances to
you fully. I have sold to him a few pairs of blankets at lower
prices than the invoice which Mr. Cunningham gave me warrants,
and would gladly do more to forward the interests of the territory
were I at liberty. I shall proceed immediately to Monterey to rep
resent to Colonel Mason the state of affairs in Oregon, and feel con
fident that he will be disposed to send ammunition and arms for the
prosecution of the war. I need not say that I will ask him to send
any assistance, either in supplies, etc., or in officers or men, that can
be spared in California, or that he may feel authorized to send; or
that he may give what immediate relief the United States govern
ment can furnish on this side of the continent. Men cannot, I
suppose, be expected by you in the recent state of the war in Mexico
and California. Supplies can, I think, be spared.
I am with great respect,

JAMES A. HARDIE.

That which strikes the student of Oregon history is the
pathetic patience with which the people, and the provis
ional government, bore the long- continued neglect of the
federal government. From the first influx of immigration
proper, in 1842 and 1843, congress had been entreated to
make some provision for the protection of travelers to Ore
gon from Indian attacks, as it had previously been urged
to insist upon the rights of Americans as against the
British, represented by the Hudson s Bay Company. But
congress had equally neglected both. The people, guided
by a few wise minds, had hit upon the plan of inducing

236 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the British residents to join with them in forming a joint
organization, which both parties knew to be temporary,
and only to be maintained by mutual concessions. After
much petitioning, congress had at last ordered to be raised
and equipped a regiment of mounted riflemen, to establish
posts, and patrol the road to Oregon. But instead of being
sent at once to this country it was ordered to duty in
Mexico, from there sent back to Fort Leavenworth at
the close of the war with Mexico, and its decimated ranks
filled up with raw recruits. Of these movements isolated
Oregon was in ignorance, and unable to account for the
non-appearance of the regiment known to have been raised
for her exclusive benefit, still strained her eyes toward the
east, always looking for some sign, and listening for some
news of the promised aid. For this Dr. Whitman was wait
ing when he delayed too long to leave the Cayuse country.
For this the volunteers at Fort Waters waited until Octo
ber, performing the duty the federal government had been
pledged to perform ; and for this Oregon was still waiting
when Governor Abernethy was called upon to assist the
United States.

After answering Governor Mason s letter, on the same
day the governor addressed the following communication
to President Polk :

OREGON CITY, April 3, 1848.
James K. Polk, President of the United States :

DEAR SIR : I am aware that much of your time is occupied, and
shall be brief in my remarks, hoping the importance of the case
will excuse this liberty. A copy of the memorial passed by the leg
islature at its last session, together with papers containing the ac
count of the massacre of Dr. Whitman and others at Waiilatpu by
the Cayuse Indians, were forwarded to congress by Mr. J. L. Meek.
I also forwarded an application via California. As Mr. Meek left
Walla Walla on the fourth ultimo, he will, no doubt, reach you in
May. I send with this a file of the Spectator, and an extra issued
today, together with my proclamation, by which you will perceive
that we are carrying on a war with the Indians of the interior.
Sometime since, commissioners were sent up to treat with the dif
ferent tribes and endeavor to detach them from the Cayuses. They
effected a great deal; the Walla Wallas, Nez Percys, and other

THE CAYUSE WAR. 237

tribes accepted presents and declared they would remain friendly
with the whites ; still there are a great many that will unite with
the murderers; all the restless and turbulent spirits among the dif
ferent tribes, those that were guilty of robbing the immigrants last
fall, and many who look with a jealous eye on the inroads of the
white man. So that it is to be feared that a large party will take to
the field against us. Our settlers are scattered through the different
valleys, many of them isolated and lying in such a position that
they could be swept off in a night, and the Indians be in the moun
tains out of reach next morning. Our policy is to keep the Indian s
busy in protecting their families and stock in their own country,
and by this means keep them out of the valley ; and we hope
we shall succeed, but we have no money, no munitions of war.
Our patriotic volunteers are destitute of clothing, tents, and pro
visions, even while in the field; still they are in good spirits, and
determined to fight to the last. Our powder is gathered up in half
pounds and parcels, as the settlers have brought more or less of it.
This will soon give out. I have written to Governor Mason of Cali
fornia for a supply of powder and lead, which I hope will come by
first opportunity. I have also written to Commodore Shubrick to
send us a sloop-of-war to lie in our river to show the Indians that
we have force that can be brought into this country if necessary.
Fear, and fear only, rules and controls Indians. Knowing this,
they have been informed that we expect a man-of-war this summer,
and as soon as our great chief hears that his people have been
murdered he will send some of his chiefs to punish the murderers.
Should this pass off, and we receive no visit from our man-of-war,
and no troops are sent into the territory, our situation will not be an
enviable one. The Indians will say, "All this has been said to
frighten us. See, their ships have not come ; their soldiers have
not come; do not let us be afraid any longer." Probably a large
immigration will be on their way to this territory this summer. I
hope that troops will accompany them, for the Indians are well
aware of their route, and the time of their coining, and if not pro
tected, they will very likely go on to meet them, and rob, plunder,
and murder all parties not strong enough to resist them. Th?v
robbed them last year ; they will, I fear, proceed further this year.
I hope, sincerely, that whether congress passes a bill to extend the
jurisdiction of the United States over us or not, that at least one
regiment v/ill be sent into Oregon to protect us from the Indians,
and to protect immigration on their way hither. Colonel Gilliam,
as you will perceive by the extra accompanying this, was acciden
tally shot on his way from Waiilatpu to The Dalles. The colonel
was a brave man, and his loss is much regretted. He was appointed
by your excellency to the office of "agent of the postoffice depart
ment," Nothing was ever effected in that department, as an adver-

238 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

tisement was put in the paper offering to let contracts, but as the
contractor was only to get his pay out of the proceeds of the office,
and even that could not be guaranteed to him for four years, no
one would enter into a contract to carry the mail, consequently
no mail has been started in tjiis territory under the authority of the
United States.

Feeling confident that you will aid us in our present difficulties,
I have placed before you briefly our situation, merely stating in con
clusion, we have told the Indians, in order to prevent them uniting
against us, that troops and vessels of war would soon be here.
I have the honor to remain, your obedient servant,

GEORGE ABERNETHY,
Governor of Oregon.

One thing which the president had done was to appoint
Charles E. Pickett Indian agent for Oregon in the spring
of 1847. This appointment was very displeasing to Ore-
gonians, who scoffed at the idea that "the government
could have made its appearance in such a shape!"

Pickett was not even in Oregon when his commission
arrived, but was at the Sandwich Islands, whence he went
to California. He did not seem, either, to be in any haste
to assume his duties, when he heard of his appointment,
but had been guilty of advising travelers to California:
"After you get to the Siskiyou mountains, use your pleas
ure in spilling blood, but if I were traveling with you,
from this on to the first sight of the Sacramento valley,
my only communication with these treacherous, cowardly,
untamable rascals would be through my rifle. The char
acter of their country precludes the idea of making peace
with them, or ever maintaining treaties if made; so that
philanthropy must be set aside in cases of necessity while
self-preservation here dictates these savages being killed off
as soon as possible." 3

However true this estimate of the character of the Shasta
Indians may have been, it was ill advice, since every
death inflicted on these "rascals," even in self-defense,
was sure to be avenged, and upon any person of the white

* Oregon Spectator, April 29, 1847.

THE CAYUSE WAR 239

race, however innocent, 1 who might come in their way,
and not once only, but over and over. This fact was well
understood by the pioneers, who were careful not to spill
Indian blood without cause.

To Pickett, Governor Abernethy addressed a letter
asking him to endeavor to procure assistance from the
commander who had relieved Commodore Shubrick
Thomas Ap. C. Jones. Jones replied that had he any
vessel to spare he would gladly send it to the Columbia
river, but that he only had three in his command with
which to hold the Mexican ports, and for all other pur
poses on the coast, the others being sent home; but if
those expected out arrived, he would send one to Oregon.
The United States commissioner at the Sandwich Islands,
A. Ten Eyck, Esq., on June fifth, also addressed aletter to
Commodore Jones upon the subject. Ten Eyck s letter
revealed the fact that a communication had been sent to
him by some of the anti-British and anti-Hudson s bay
people of Oregon representing that ill feeling existed
between the Americans and the fur company, which had
furnished arms and ammunition to the Indians, and other
wise aided them in their hostilities against the settlers;
that an angry correspondence had taken place between
Governor Abernethy and Mr. Douglas; that the volun
teers had threatened Vancouver, and that Mr. Douglas
had written the company s agent at the islands to send an
English man-of-war to the Columbia. "Our people,"
added Ten Eyck, "are very poor, and are much in need of
arms and ammunition, and are much alarmed. Having
good reason to credit these rumors, I do not hesitate to
request that you lose no time in dispatching such force as
you can spare from the squadron, and as the exigencies of
the case may seem to require to the Columbia river."

A copy of this letter having been sent to Governor

4 Pickett was an immigrant of 1843; county judge of Clackamas county in 1845,
and appointed Indian agent in 1847. He did not serve, but became somewhat con
spicuous in California by his writings.

240 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Abernethy by the ship Eveline, the governor replied a
month later, that the troubles in the country were in a
measure settled, and the army disbanded, except the few
men at the forts, which they would hold until the United
States troops arrived to relieve them, which arrivals he
hoped would be next month. He corrected the rumors of
hostile acts or feelings between the settlers and the Hud
son s Bay Company, and denied that any angry corre
spondence had taken place between himself and Mr.
Douglas.

The outcome of all this correspondence, anxiety, and
waiting was the receipt, after the danger had passed, of
the aid so long solicited in arms and ammunition. Major
Hardie, on his return to California, forwarded one hun
dred rifles, twenty-five thousand rifle cartridges, and two
hundred pounds of rifle powder, with two six-pound iron
guns and carriages, and ammunition for the same. Lieu
tenant E. O. C. Ord, of the third artillery, forwarded one
six-pound brass gun, with two hundred and ten strapped
shot, seventy canister-shot, twenty-eight spherical shot,
and other artillery service, five hundred muskets, with
their fixtures, and fifty thousand ball, with a large amount
of ammunition. 5 Fortunately for the peace of the colony,
these military stores did not arrive while the American
blood was at fever heat with wrongs real and fancied; but
in time to give a feeling of security to that portion of the
inhabitants who remained when the majority of the able-
bodied men had rushed off to the gold fields of California
the same year.

The discovery of gold to a people so poor in money and
goods as were the colonists of Oregon, was an inestimable
boon, solving many a difficult problem, and diverting
their thoughts from the late troubles, and the neglect of
the federal government, which was again aggravatingly

The invoices were dated June twenty-seventh and July tenth, respectively.
They arrived by the Henry August ninth : Oregon Spectator, September 7, 1848.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 241

displayed by the non-appearance in the autumn of the
long-looked for regiment of mounted riflemen. A hope of
this promised relief from the dangers which threatened
him, had undoubtedly, they believed, led Dr. Whitman
into the attitude of seeming to defy the Cayuses, even be
fore the sickness broke out which had exasperated them
still further, and so became instead of a protection a
motive for his death. Until it was well into the winter,
every express from Fort Hall brought the message, "No
news yet of any troops on the road." Spring came, and
still no news. Summer wore away in keeping the war in
the Indian country. The immigration arrived with the
discouraging intelligence that the Oregon regiment had
been ordered to Mexico, and nothing was known of its
future destination. The murderers were still at large, but
like Cain of old, had been driven into strange lands, and
the places that had known them knew them no more.

Then the colonists drew a long breath, and hearing of
the gold fields of the Sacramento valley, every ragged
soldier who could take a share in an ox team and wagon
load of provisions, set off to conquer fortune. Many died,
worn out by the privations of soldiering and mining life,
but the majority returned with more or less of the precious
dust, stored up in tin cans, pickle bottles, or whatever ves
sel they could find that would hold fast the elusive atoms.
Those that remained harvested the fields, and sold the
crops for a good price in cash. The legislature of 1848-
1849 passed a coinage act, under which about fifty thou
sand dollars were minted, which helped to relieve the
embarrassment in making exchanges until such time as
the United States began the coinage of gold in San
Francisco.

In the meantime, the messenger dispatched to Washing
ton with memorials, and an account of the Waiilatpu
tragedy, had been able to stir congress to definite action
in the matter of establishing a territorial government over
Oregon, which was to all intents and purposes already a

242 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

state, independent, but poor and loyal. What might have
happened, under so much provocation, had gold been dis
covered two or three years earlier, the speculative mind
may conceive. But in all its memorials Oregon had ever
professed its attachment to the federal government, on
which it still humbly waited.

On the fourteenth of August the act was passed which
brought Oregon under the operation of United States laws.
General Joseph Lane was appointed governor, and with
Meek, who was given the appointment of marshal of the
territory, urged to hasten to his field of dut}^ where he
arrived March 2, 1849, and issued his proclamation on the
following day, giving Oregon one day under President
Polk, who had been elected on the " fifty-four-forty-or-
fight " sentiment of the democracy in 1844, and therefore
desired this honor.

Lane, by virtue of his office, was also superintendent of
Indian affairs, and applied himself at once to the settle
ment of minor difficulties occurring near the settlements
on the south side of the Columbia, and to the restoration
of peace between the Klickitats and Walla Wallas who
were at enmity on the north side. Early in May a more
serious danger arose from a design formed by Patkanim,
chief of the Snoqualimichs, to capture Fort Nisqually of
the Hudson s Bay Company, and to drive away or kill off
the American settlers at the head of the sound. The plan
was cunningty laid, after the Indian manner, to capture
the fort first, and . secure the ammunition therein, after
which the rest would have been easy. In order to obtain
an entrance, and disarm suspicion, the Snoqualimichs
pretended some occasion for hostilities against the Nis-
quallies, a harmless band employed by the Puget Sound
Agricultural Company as herdsmen, and appeared near
the fort in their war paint. Patkanim insinuated himself
inside the stockade, ostensibly to have a gun mended;
really, it was believed, to give a signal. At the same time
a party of Americans approached the gate of the fort, and

TEE GAYUSE WAR. 243

seeing the Indians in war costume were endeavoring
hurriedly to get in, when a volley from the guns of the
Snoqualimichs followed the discharge of a gun within the
fort, and Leander C. Wallace, a young American, fell
dead, another was wounded mortally, and a third wounded
who survived. The gates were closed at the same instant,
excluding both Indians and Americans, and firing from
the bastions soon silenced the former. However, when
Dr. Tolmie, who was in charge, went out to bring in the
body of Wallace, he was aimed at by a Snoqualimich.
The assassin was checked by a Snohomish Indian present,
who reproved him, saying, "Harm enough done for one
day."

Repulsed, and comprehending that they had failed in
their design, the Indians retired, but later sent word to
the American settlers that they would be permitted to
leave the country by abandoning their property. To this
the settlers replied that they had come to stay, and forth
with began to erect block-houses for defense at Turn water
and Skookum Chuck.

This affair caused Governor Lane to make a journey to
the sound country, accompanied by the only United States
force then in the territory Lieutenant Hawkins and five
men remaining from the governor s escort across the plains,
the others having deserted in California. The governor
carried with him arms and ammunition for the settlers.
At Tumwater he was overtaken by an express from Van
couver, informing him of the arrival in the river of the
United States propeller Massachusetts, having on board
two companies of artillery, under Brevet-Major Hathaway,
who sent him word that if expedient, a part of his force
could be moved at once to the sound. On receiving this
dispatch, Lane returned to the Columbia without visiting
Nisqually, sending, however, a letter to Dr. Tolrnie, request
ing him to inform the Indians that now he was prepared
to punish any outrages, and they could govern themselves
accordingly; also requesting that no ammunition should

244 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

be furnished the Indians by the Hudson s Bay Company.

Arrived at Vancouver, he found the Massachusetts
about to proceed to Portland, to be loaded with lumber
for the use of the government in building quarters for the
troops stationed at Benicia, California, and Major Hatha
way encamped in the rear of the Hudson s Bay Company s
fort, with one company of artillery, while the other com
pany, under Captain B. II. Hill, had been left at Astoria,
in quarters built by the crew of the wrecked Shark in
1846. The whole force consisted of one hundred and
sixty-one, rank and file, being companies L and M, first
regiment of United States artillery. It was arranged
that Captain Hill should proceed to the sound and estab
lish a post near Nisqually before demanding the surrender
of the murderers of the Americans.

Meantime, the government had commissioned three sub-
Indian agents, namety, George C. Preston, J. Q. Thornton,
and Robert Newell; but Preston not arriving, Oregon was
divided into two districts, and Thornton assigned to the
north of the Columbia, while Newell had charge of the
Indians south of the river. Late in July Thornton visited
the sound, where he spent several weeks in obtaining
information which could have been obtained in a day from
Dr. Tolmie, and offered a reward of eighty blankets, worth
about five hundred dollars, to the Snoqualmie tribe for
the surrender of the murderers of the Americans, besides
having the captain of the English vessel, which trans
ported Hill s company to Nisqually, arrested for giving
the customary grog to the Indians and half-breeds who
were hired to discharge the vessel.

These proceedings offended the governor,, whose author
ity as superintendent of Indian affairs was ignored, and
Thornton soon resigned, leaving Indian matters on the
sound in the hands of Captain Hill, who, by the month

6 The officers, besides Major Hathaway and Captain Hill, were First Lieutenants
J. B. Gibson and T. Talbot, Second Lieutenants G. Tallmadge and J. Dement, Second
Lieutenant J. J. Woods, quartermaster and commissary, and Second Lieutenant J.
B. Fry, adjutant.

THE GAYUSE WAR 245

of August, was established at Fort Steilacoom. In Sep
tember the guilty Indians were surrendered, and in October
two of the chief participants in the crime, Kassas and
Quallawort, a brother of Patkanim, were tried and exe
cuted. This trial cost the United States about three thou
sand dollars. During the following winter one of the
artillerymen of Fort Steilacoom was murdered, but the
crime could not be fixed upon any individual, and went
unpunished.

It is but justice here to record the fact that the sup
pression of hostilities in this region at this period of its
history, was due largely to the influence of the Hudson s
Bay Company, and personally to Dr. Tolmie, whose knowl
edge and good judgment were powerful to avert hostilities. 7

As to the arrest of the Cay use murderers, that could not
be undertaken by the new government before the arrival
of the rifle regiment. That body, after being recruited at
Fort Leaven worth, set out for Oregon May 10, 1849, with
about six hundred men, thirty-one commissioned officers,
several women and children, one hundred and sixty
wagons, teamsters, guides, and train agents, nearly two
thousand mules and horses, and subsistence for the whole,
the officer in command being Brevet-Colonel W. W. Loring.

Posts were established at Laramie and Fort Hall, where
two companies each were left. Cholera, which had broken
out among the immigration, to California, carried off a
considerable number of the ill-conditioned recruits, and
desertion to the gold mines as many more. A herd of beef
cattle and other supplies intended to meet the regiment at
Fort Hall 8 having taken the southern route, and being
late in starting, failed to meet Loring s command, which

7 Notwithstanding this truth, there are several letters in the Oregon Archives, MS.
numbered from nine hundred and fifty-one to nine hundred and fifty-seven, which
show an attempt to convict Tolmie of influencing the Indians against the American
settlers.

8 The supply train sent from Oregon consisted of fifteen freight wagons and a
herd of fat cattle. The expedition was commanded by Lieutenant Hawkins of
Lane s escort, and piloted by the late commissary-general, Joel Palmer, who, when
within a few days of Fort Hall, turned back and took charge of a train to California.

246 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

was thus reduced to short rations and insufficient clothing.

On arriving at The Dalles the men presented the appear
ance, familiar to Oregon immigrants, of naked feet and
limbs hardly concealed by the tattered remains of cloth
ing, their horses too worn out to carry them, and their
own strength almost exhausted. They found the means
of transportation down the Columbia to consist of three
rnackinaw boats, one yawl, four canoes, and one whale-
boat. A raft constructed to carry several tons of goods,
chiefly private, and placed in charge of eight men, was
wrecked in the rapids at the cascades, and six of the men
drowned. That part of the command which took the
wagon road over the mountains at the base of Mount
Hood, lost two-thirds of their horses. The whole loss of
government property on the march from Leavenworth
was forty-five freight wagons, one ambulance, and over
three hundred horses and mules. The number of men
who died and deserted was seventy.

On arriving at their destination, the mounted riflemen
found no quarters provided for them, and were housed for
the winter in rented tenements in Oregon City at a great
expense. In May, 1849, Captain Rufus Ingalls had been
directed by the chief of the quartermaster s department
of the Pacific division to go to Oregon and establish posts.
He arrived on the Anita at Vancouver soon after Hatha
way landed his command at that place, but the Walpole
which followed with two years supplies being chartered
for Astoria, landed the stores at the mouth of the river,
whence they had to be conveyed at great labor and ex
pense to Vancouver by means of the small craft in use on
the Columbia, consuming much time in the transferance.
Nor was this the only obstacle to dispatch. There were
wanting both the material for building barracks and the
mechanics and laborers to perform the work; and that
which was accomplished was done by artillerymen at a
dollar a day extra pay for cutting and hauling timber out
of the woods, and rafting lumber from the Hudson s Bay

THE OAYUSE WAR. 247

Company s mill, six miles above Vancouver. Even with
the help of the company in procuring Indian labor, and
furnishing such transportation as was in their power, slow
progress was made. At length the command of Major
Hathaway was housed in such quarters as were provided
by adapting several buildings belonging to the company,
and erecting others of logs. 9

In September, 1849, General Persifer F. Smith, com
mander of the Pacific division, arrived in Oregon with the
chief quartermaster, H. D. Vinton, with the object of
making locations for military posts. They approved the
selections already made, but abandoned the design of a
post on the road to California through the apprehension
that the soldiery, if placed on the route to the gold mines,
would desert. To prevent desertion, he directed Major
Hathaway to remove his command to Astoria early the
following spring, Colonel Loring to take possession of the
barracks at Vancouver with the rifle regiment, a part of
which was to be sent to The Dalles, and to be emplo3^ed at
both places in cutting timber for the necessary buildings.

Before these arrangements could be carried out, one hun
dred and twenty of the riflemen deserted, and took the
road to California, behaving so discreetly as to excite no
suspicion of their real character among the settlers, pre
tending to be a government expedition, and getting their
supplies on credit of the farmers. Governor Lane and
Colonel Loring pursued, and overtook one division of
seventy men in the Umpqua valley, with whom Lane
returned to Oregon City about the middle of April.
Loring followed the trail of the others into the snows of
the Siskiyou mountains, securing only seven more, and
having experienced much hardship, as also . had the
deserters, a number of whom were believed to have per
ished, as they were never heard from.

9 The only title to lands in Oregon at this period was that conferred by the organic
act of the territory upon mission sites, and the supposed possessory rights of the
Hudson s Bay Company. It was thought safer to establish a garrison on land which
could be purchased of the company than to take it elsewhere. Steilacoom also was
planted on land leased from the Puget Sound agricultural company.

248 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

The artillerymen were finally removed to Astoria, and
the riflemen to Vancouver, where they were put to work
constructing buildings on the ground declared a military
reservation in the following October. In May, Major S. S.
Tucker was ordered to The Dalles with two companies of
riflemen to establish a supply post. He declared a reser
vation ten miles square, and proceeded to erect suitable
buildings about one mile back from the river. As the
reservation at Vancouver covered a tract four miles square,
and at Astoria included lands settled upon and improved,
there was much dissatisfaction. But when Major Loring
attempted to reserve for an arsenal the land of Meek and
Luelling at Milwaukie, planted with the first fruit trees in
the territory, the resentment of the pioneers reached a
climax, and congress was informed that the Oregonians
would hereafter fight their Indian wars alone, and the
mounted rifle regiment could be withdrawn at any mo
ment ! That these impositions were afterwards corrected
did not lessen the indignation engendered at the time.

In the meantime, no attempt was made by the military
authorities to arrest the Cayuse murderers, although Lane
had, ever since his arrival, been carrying on negotiations
with the Indians in the interior to secure their capture
without compulsion. Immediately after his return from
the Umpqua with the deserting riflemen, he received word
that five of the Cayuses had surrendered themselves to be
tried, and escorted by Lieutenant J. McL. Addison with
ten men, went to receive them at The Dalles. He found
there Tiloukaikt, Tamahas, Klokamas, Isaiachaiakis, and
Kiamasumpkin, with their friends and relatives. 10 By
what arguments they had been persuaded to give thern-
f selves up has never been revealed. Blanchet says that
they only consented to come down to hold a talk with the
officers of the government; but that does not seem prob-

10 The witnesses at the trial did not always identify the murderers. They swore
to seeing Tiloukaikt, his son Edward, Ishholhol, Frank Escaloom, Klokamas, Tam-
sucky, Joe Lewis, I Tamahas, and Isiaasheluckus kill certain of the victims. Kiama
sumpkin was not named by them, though he confessed his guilt by giving himself up.

THE CAYUSE WAE. 249

able under the circumstances. It is certain they offered
ample pay in horses to be successfully defended, from
which it would appear they expected to stand trial.

The heart and mind of the savage is a wild stock on
which it is idle to attempt to graft an advanced civiliza
tion and have it bear perfect fruit. Tiloukaikt, the chief
of these criminals, when curiously questioned by his
captors concerning his motive in giving himself up, asked:
"Did not your missionaries teach us that Christ died to
save his people? Thus die we, if we must, to save our
people." Yet he had no remorse at having slain his
teachers, and when offered food from the soldiers mess,
scorned to taste it, asking, " What hearts have you to offer
me of your food, whose hands are red with your brother s
blood?"

It is probable that the Cayuses recognized the fact that
theirs was a case requiring a desperate remedy. The long
threatened soldiery of the United States had made their
appearance, and while they, the Indians, could not buy
ammunition, their enemies now had it in abundance. For
two years they had roamed about, and peace was farther
off than ever, with power accumulating against them.
Where hundreds of white men had come from the east
before, thousands were coming now to the Pacific coast,
and there would be no end of this migration with which
they had been threatened. Perhaps white men who un
derstood the laws of their people could free them; if not,
it was only death, at the worst; and they were not afraid
to die.

The prisoners were brought to Oregon City, and confined
on an island in the midst of the falls, connected with the
mainland by a bridge, which was guarded by a detachment
of riflemen under Lieutenant W. B. Lane. The trial was
set for the twenty-second of May, the prosecution being con
ducted by United States district attorney Amory Holbrook,
and the defense undertaken by the territorial secretary,
Knitzing Pritchett, assisted by R. B. Reynolds, paymaster,

250 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

and Thomas Claiborne, Jr., captain of the rifle regiment.
As there was no doubt of the guilt of the accused, which
was sufficiently established on evidence, the defense took
the ground that at the date of the massacre the laws of
the United States had not been extended over Oregon;
the court ruling out this plea by citations of the act of
congress of 1834, regulating intercourse with Indians,
and the boundary treaty of 1846, which confirmed to the
United States all of the Oregon territory south of the forty-
ninth parallel. The judge, 0. C. Pratt, might have added
that the organic law of the territory confirmed the laws
of the provisional government of Oregon not in conflict
with the laws of the United States.

Claiborne endeavored to show that in 1834 Oregon was
in joint occupancy with Great Britain, and that jurisdic
tion was barred, and quoted the act of eminent domain to
make it appear that Great Britain could still object to
these proceedings should she choose. The questions being
argued, Judge Pratt decided that exclusive jurisdiction
over Oregon being vested in congress by the treaty of 1846,
the act of 1834 ipso facto came into force in the territory,
whose jurisdiction was undoubted. Olaiborne then peti
tioned for a change of venue, which was refused.

The jurymen called were thirty-eight, out of which
number all the older settlers, or those liable to be embit
tered against the Indians, were carefully excluded. 11 It
could not therefore be said that a fair trial was not accorded
the Cayuses, or that their attorneys overlooked any loop
hole of escape. They, indeed, argued that the death of
Dr. Whitman was brought about by a combination of cir
cumstances; that there was no absolute proof that the
prisoners were the actual murderers, the evidence of the
witnesses being confused and more or less conflicting; and
that in any case the death of wives and children among

n The jury accepted were J. D. Hunsaker, A. Jackson, Hiram Straight, Wm. Par-
rott, Wm. Cason, A. Post, Samuel Welch, Joseph Alfrey, John Dinman, Anson Cohen,
John Ellenburg, and A. B. Holcoinb.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 251

the Cayuses was provocation to justify revenge in the sav
age mind all of which, however true, was futile to
unsettle the conviction in civilized minds that the death
penalty alone could secure indemnity from similar atroci
ties in the future. The verdict of the jury was, "guilty as
charged," and the sentence of the judge was that they be
hung on the third of June. A new trial was asked for
and denied. Governor Lane being absent in the southern
mines at the time, Pritchett declared his intention, as
acting governor, of reprieving the condemned Indians
until an appeal could be taken to the supreme court of
the United States. These declarations caused much ex
citement, and the marshal of the territory was at a loss
how to proceed; but Pratt instructed him that as there
was no certain evidence that Lane was absent from the
territory, Pritchett s acts would be unauthorized. This
opinion coming to the ears of the secretary, he withdrew
his opposition, and the execution took place as ordered.

All through the trial perfect order and decorum pre
vailed. There was some fear that a rescue might be
attempted on the day of execution, and many persons
present came armed, but here again perfect order was
maintained. Father Veyret (Catholic) attended the
doomed men to the scaffold, and, according to Blanchet,
exclaimed, "Onward, onward to heaven, children; into
thy hands, Lord Jesus, I commend my spirit." Let us
hope the unhappy creatures were comforted. Thus was
completed the final act of the most tragic chapter in
Orgon s history for many years.

Taking into consideration the condition of the country
at the time of the Cayuse war, and the rush of event fol
lowing it, the papers and accounts relating to it were pre
served with remarkable care, and the business transacted
in the main with fidelity. The last provisional legislature
of 1848-1849 was informed by Governor Abernethy in his
message that "the expenses incurred for the services of

252 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

privates and non-cocomissioned officers in accordance with
an act passed twenty-eight of December, 1847, allowing
one dollar and fifty cents per day, amounts to one hun
dred and nine thousand three hundred and eleven dol
lars and fifty cents; in addition to this will be the pay of
the officers and persons employed in the several depart
ments connected with the army. This will devolve upon
you to arrange during your present session; until it is
done the total expenses of the war cannot be ascertained."

Many of the volunteers being in immediate need of pay
ment, he recommended that a law should be enacted
authorizing the issuance of scrip made redeemable as
early as possible, and bearing interest until paid, as it
ultimately would be, by the United States. As is usual
in such cases, many persons were compelled or persuaded
to part with their scrip for less than its face value to others
who could afford to wait, and thus were deprived of the
compensation intended for their severe fatigues and hard
ships.

A resolution was adopted by the legislature early in Feb
ruary, 1849, calling for reports "from the adjutant-general
of the names, number, and grade, with the number in
each grade of all military officers in the territory since the
twenty-second day of December, 1847, with the date of
their commissions, together with a complete roll of all
officers and men engaged at any time since the tenth of
December, 1847, by the war department, their rank, grade,
and time of service, how long each actually served, and
whether any, arid who, quit the service without being
duly discharged by the proper officer; what proclamations
and military orders have been issued since the twenty-
eighth of December, 1847, by the governor or commander-
in-chief of the militia, and whether the same have been
recorded, and if not, why not; what orders he had issued
as received from the governor or commander-in-chief, and
whether they have been recorded, and if not, why not;
whether he issued forms to all officers required to make

THE CAYUSE WAR. 253

returns, and what returns he has received from military
officers, and the names of each officer making the same,
and whether said returns have been duly recorded, and if
not, why not; whether any person authorized by law to
receive military stores or funds for obtaining the same,
and who has reported to him the kind of funds or stores
so received, and to whom the same were delivered, and if
so, whether the said reports have been recorded, and if
not, why not; also if any such report has been made to
deposit with the clerk of this house for the use of the
members during the present session; whether the commis
sary-general has reported to him the manner in which he
has expended or disposed of military funds or stores, and
if so, whether said report has been recorded, and if not,
why not; and also to deposit said report with the clerk
for the use of the house; whether he has reported quar
terly to the governor the state of the militia and military
stores, and if not, why not; together with all other official
acts of his pertaining to the office of adjutant-general
which he may deem of use to the legislature in adjusting
the several matters growing out of the late war." 12

By a similarly detailed resolution the commissioners
appointed to negotiate loans were required to report to the
legislature, and did so as follows:

To the Honorable, the Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory :

GENTLEMEN : I present you with a schedule of our transactions
as loan commissioners for the territory. In accordance with our
duties as loan commissioners, we have paid over with the exception
of forty-two dollars and seven cents, all moneys and available means
to the commissary-general, for which we have obtained his vouchers,
with an account of which you are no\v presented. It will be found
on examination that we have issued more bonds than we have
vouchers for, to meet \vhich discrepancy we have a draft of five
hundred dollars on Hamilton Campbell.

Aggregate amount of bonds issued, fourteen thousand seven hun
dred and sixty-one dollars and seventy-five cents; aggregate amount
of vouchers for commissary-general, fourteen thousand three hun
dred and thirty-four dollars and ninety-five cents, leaving a balance
of four hundred and sixteen dollars and eighty cents.

12 Resolution of S. R. Thurston : Oregon Archives, Til.

254 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

To meet the above we have balanced in George Abernethy s books
to our credit, four thousand two hundred and seven dollars; Rev.
William Roberts draft 011 H. Campbell, five hundred dollars ;
leaving a balance in our favor of one hundred and twenty-five
dollars and twenty-seven cents.

The five hundred dollar draft above alluded to is a draft drawn
by Rev. William Roberts on H. Campbell, to the order of the Oregon
loan commissioners. W. H. Willson, one of the board, took charge
of the draft and was to present to Mr. Campbell for payment. The
order or draft was presented to Mr. Campbell, but for what cause I
am not able to inform your honorable body, for neither property nor
money came into our hands as payment of said draft, but I think
it was delivered over to the commissary-general s agents by Mr.
Campbell.

There were some drafts drawn on us by the commissary -general
as bonds for the payment of debts which the commissary-general
had contracted. These drafts we did not accept for this reason,
we did not think the commissary-general, or any other officer of
this government had any right to purchase property, or negotiate a
loan of any kind, without our knowledge or consent, and call on us
to pledge the faith of this territory for its payment, as the commis
sioners alone were only authorized to negotiate a loan and pledge
the faith of this territory for its payment. The act creating the
present board authorizes them whenever it becomes necessary to
affix the cash value of property to have it appraised by men under
oath, consequently we could not execute a bond for the payment of
property purchased by the commissary-general or any other officer
as they wished. If the bonds were placed in our hands subject to
the draft or drafts of the commissary-general, then of course we
should issue to the extent of our limits. On the twenty-eighth of
March last, or near that time, the commissary-general told me that
when he was at The Dalles, it became necessary for him to take
wagons and oxen, the property of Phelaster and Philemon Lee, to
the amount of two hundred and fifty dollars. I consented to give
bonds and did so, but in a few days I was called upon by different
persons for bonds for a very large amount; I refused to execute bonds
to them until I could see the other two commissioners, and when
we met together it was thought best not to give any more bonds for
any property, as we knew nothing about it; so for these reasons we
refused to give bonds for any more property taken at The Dalles by
the commissary-general.

There is another matter I wish to explain it is this : When I
commenced to collect funds I was not able to obtain any money ex
cept orders on stores in Oregon City ; in consequence of this it was
impossible for the commissary-general to obtain articles for the use
of the army. He told me to get axes and spades, and these articles
were very much wanted to make roads for wagons to pass up the

THE CAYUSE WAR. 255

Columbia river. Philip Foster had subscribed fifty dollars, to be
paid on the stores, and John B. Price twenty-five, to be paid also on
the stores. These gentlemen told me if I would give them twenty -
five per cent premium they would let me have cash, and I told
them I would do so. Mr. Foster gave me thirty-seven dollars and
a half, and I gave him a bond for fifty dollars ; Mr. Price gave me
eighteen dollars and seventy-five cents, and 1 gave him a bond for
twenty -five dollars. This I did for the best, but should your honor
able body think otherwise, I am ready to pay this government out
of my own funds the amount of premium that I found at that time
necessary to allow. I bring this to your particular notice because
it was noticed at the time by one of the presses of Oregon City.
Whatever your decision on this point may be, I alone am responsi
ble, as my two associates know nothing of the matter.

The commissary -general, or his agent, A. J. Hembree, Esq.,
obtained a loan of one hundred and ninety-six dollars and a half, or
thereabouts, from Thomas Justin, for which they agreed to get him
a bond for two hundred and sixteen dollars and thirty-three cents.
I first refused to give the bond for that amount, but the commissary-
general being very much in want of cash, and upon consideration,
sooner than the money should be returned, I executed the bond to
Thomas Justin for two hundred and sixteen dollars and thirty-five
cents. All bonds issued by us bear interest at the rate of ten per
cent per annum, and all signed by the governor and countersigned
by the secretary of this territory. All the books and papers belong
ing are hereby transmitted for your examination.

Owing to the resignation of General A. L. Lovejoy as one of the
commissioners, and the absence of Dr. W. H. Willson, this docu
ment will appear with but one signature.

(Signed). HUGH BURNS,

Commissioner.
Oregon City, February 8, 1849.

The following report was furnished by the adjutant-
general :

Io the Honorable House of Representatives :

GENTLEMEN : In answer to the resolution calling upon this de
partment for documents, papers, &c., &c., for information, I beg
leave herewith to transmit the following documents, papers, &c., &c. :

The record of the enlistment and discharge of the first regiment
of Oregon riflemen ( marked A ) shows the names of all officers, field
and staff, together with a complete roll, term of service, and amount
of pay belonging to each non-commissioned officer and private.

The staff, field, and commissioned officers, the respective amounts
due them have not been carried out. There has been some differ
ence of opinion relative to the amounts due said officers. It has

256 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

been contended by some that they were entitled to the same pay as
officers of the same grade in the United States army. But this
department has declined making up their pay at all, until such
time as this department shall have further instructions from your
honorable body.

The record, roll, &c., &c., include all that have been engaged in
the war, except an extra official report by H. A. G. Lee of about
fifty men, rank and file ( marked B ), being the first company that
went to The Dalles, and a report of Felix Scott, captain, who volun
teered their services, and found themselves, to protect the southern
frontier (marked C), together with all orders to that officer issued
from this department; and one other report which came to this
C } office this day from Captain Levi Scott, who commanded the Cali
fornia expedition, &c. (marked D). There was never any order
issued to that officer from this department.

Agreeably to the report of Colonel Lee, there were some few men
who left the service without leave, which report is herewith trans
mitted for your inspection ( marked E).

There has been no proclamation issued since the twenty-eighth of
December, 1848, and why not recorded because none to record ; but
I herewith transmit some proclamations and military orders that
issued on and since the twenty-fifth of December, 1847, under the
mark of F, all of which have been recorded in my office. Forms
have been issued to all officers requiring the same.

Returns have been generally received from the respective officers
required to make returns, and the same have been duly recorded in
my office at Oregon City; the same are embodied under the mark A.
There has been no report to this department from any person of the
reception of military stores, or funds of any kind, other than those
referred to your honorable body by his excellency, Governor Aber-
nethy. Nor has the commissary or quartermaster-generals reported
to this department the manner in which they have expended the
funds, if any they have received, or the military stores other than
as above. \

The governor has [ been ] always informed and thoroughly ad
vised of the doings and acts of the army at all times, up to the
time of disbanding the army, and since that time when any new
matter occasioned anything new.

And, in conclusion, allow the undersigned to observe that the
officers were generally disposed to do their duty, but owing. to the
want of books and information relative to their respective duties,
there were many informalities, which, of course, has rendered it
very difficult for this department to arrive to an exactity in relation
to the number of men, rank and file. There was continually trans
fers going on from one company to another, though contrary to in
structions. Likewise there was, among the commissioned officers,
resignations going on and new elections taking place to fill the re-

THE CA YU8E WAR. 257

spective vacancies occasioned thereby, which by personal inter
views with some of the officers would seem never reached this office;
and most likely there were some commissioned officers who acted in
their respective capacities, who have not been reported, and the same
may be the case with some of the privates.

In the case of H. A. G. Lee s extra official report under the mark
of B, the said men have not been reported to this office at all, and
this is the reason they are not enrolled among the other companies
under the letter A. These men responded to their country s call,
and were on the line of march without an hour s warning to avenge
their country s wrongs and shall they have no pay?

And likewise, in the case of Captain Levi Scott, who commanded
the California expedition, whose report came into my office this day.
That officer, and those connected with him, underwent many hard
ships and fatigues in the service of their country. It was deemed
by the governor, and the community generally, that an express to
California would, in a measure, relieve this government from its
then critical situation, which was ardently desired by all. Captain
Levi Scott was commissioned the seventh of March, 1848, with
grade as captain ; and from the fifth of February, 1848, likewise,
Captain Felix Scott, L. N. English, first lieutenant, and J. H.
Lewis, second lieutenant. These officers were commissioned the
tenth of May, 1848, with the grade respectively, and rank from
the first of May, 1848. How long, and what time, these said officers
and privates were in service, has never been reported to this depart
ment. J. M. Garrison was commissioned as captain the seventh of
March, 1848, and took command of a small reinforcement and pro
ceeded to The Dalles, where said Garrison was directed to remain,
subject to the orders of the commandant in the field. How long
the said Garrison served in that capacity is unknown to this depart
ment.

I herewith transmit further for your consideration and informa
tion all military orders issued by the governor that did not pass
through this department, under the letter H. Every information
and explanation that is in the power of this department will be
cheerfully given, while I have the honor to remain, gentlemen,
Your very humble and obedient servant,

A. L. LOVEJOY,
Adj utant-General.

Accompanying this report was the following:

ADJUTANT-GENERAL S OFFICE,

OREGON CITY, December 1, 1848.
To His Excellency, George Abernethy, Governor of Oregon :

SIR : Herewith I beg to transmit a report of the amount due the
several companies composing the first regiment of Oregon riflemen

258 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

for their services in the war between the territory of Oregon and the
Cayuse Indians, showing an aggregate of ($109,311 50) one hundred
and nine thousand three hundred and eleven dollars and fifty cents.
This amount does not include the services of any of the commis
sioned officers, as there has been no provision made for their pay.
Company K was formed out of the companies of Captains English
and Garrison on the seventeenth of April, 1848, on which day the
officers were elected. Company I was formed by Colonel James
Waters at Fort Waters 011 the seventh day of June, 1848, and re
mained in service until the twenty-ninth of September, 1848.

I beg leave also to hand you herewith two reports from the com
missary and quartermaster-generals department, viz., A, showing
the amount of liabilities created by those departments; and B, show
ing the amount of disbursements by those departments.

I have the honor to remain, very respectfully, your obedient ser
vant,

ALBERT E. WILSON,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

To A. E. Wilson, Acting Adjutant-General:

A. Report of the commissary and quartermaster-generals, show
ing the amount of liabilities created by the commissary, quarter
master, and ordnance departments in the war between the territory
of Oregon and the Cayuse Indians, classed as under : Aggregate of
stationery, one hundred and forty-four dollars and eighty-eight and
one-half cents; aggregate of camp equipage, seven hundred and
ninety-nine dollars and fifty -eight cents; aggregate of horses, etc.,
one thousand nine hundred and twenty -seven dollars; aggregate of
saddlery, seven hundred and thirty-two dollars and sixty-three
cents; aggregate of arms and repairs, one thousand three hundred
and nineteen dollars and sixty cents; aggregate of ammunition,
eight hundred and twenty-seven dollars and twenty-one and one-
half cents; transportation, creating Fort Gilliam included, five
thousand two hundred and twenty dollars and forty-one and one-
half cents; aggregate of subsistence, fourteen thousand four hun
dred and twelve dollars and seventy-three and one-half cents;
aggregate of ferryage, six hundred and eighty-three dollars and
ninety-two cents; aggregate of medical department, three hundred
and ninety-six dollars and seven cents; aggregate of commissary s
assistants, agents, expenses, office rent, forage for volunteers horses,
&c., one thousand one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and seven
and one-half cents; aggregate of premium on cash payments, sev
enty-four dollars and twenty-seven cents; aggregate of Indian
agency, two hundred and fifty-four dollars and eighteen and one-
half cents; aggregate of California expedition, five hundred and
fifty-one dollars and seventy cents; aggregate of interest account,
twenty -three dollars and sixty-nine cents; aggregate of smithing

THE GAYUSE WAR. 259

and saddle making, seven hundred and thirty-two dollars and
sixty-three cents. Total liabilities adjusted, thirty-three thousand
three hundred dollars and four and one-half cents.

Unadjusted liabilities, when settled, to be added to their respective
accounts : Merchandise (from caches), George Abernethy s account,
Hudson s Bay Company s account ( a small balance ). Blacksmiths
Jason Wheeler, Joseph W. Downer, W. T. Nanvoorst, David

Weston, and J. M. Johns, days at dollars. Saddlers S. S.

Duffield, J. R. Payne, and Wm. Martin, days at - - dollars.
Commissary department A. E. Wait, J. D^Crawford, H. A.
Smith, S. H. Goodhue, J. Keller, . Johnson, W. H. Rees, and J.
Force, days at - - dollars. Quartermaster s department B.
Jennings, C. W. Cooke, John Fleming, James Taylor, and A. A.

Robinson, days at dollars. Ordnance A. C. R. Shaw, D.

H. Lownsdale, and S. J. Gardner, days at dollars. Wagon-
master Henry Wordeh, days at dollars. Total, dollars.

LOT WHITCOMB,
Acting Commissary-General.

B. Report of the commissary and quartermaster-generals, show
ing the amount of disbursements in the commissary, quartermaster,
and ordnance departments in the war between the territory of Ore
gon and the Cayuse Indians, as per vouchers on file in this office :
Amount paid for stationery, one dollar and twelve and one-half cents;
ammunition, fifteen dollars and nine-five cents; camp equipage,

dollars; arms and repairs, dollars; transportation, four hundred

and thirty-seven dollars and seventy-seven cents; horse account,
fifteen thousand four hundred and forty-four dollars ; merchan
dise, four thousand two hundred and fifty -six dollars and eight
cents; saddlery, - - dollars; subsistence, two thousand nine hun
dred and forty-seven dollars and ninety-one and one -half cents; med
ical department, - - dollars; California expedition, five hundred
and fifty-one dollars and seventy cents.

Total amount of cash received from loan commissioners, one
thousand five hundred and twenty-five dollars and eighty-nine
cents; deduct discount on sovereigns, five dollars and fifty -six cents.
Total, one thousand five hundred and twenty dollars and thirty-
three cents. Amount received from other sources for which com
missary s duebills are issued, one thousand three hundred and sixty-
four dollars and sixty-nine cents; total amount of cash received, two
thousand eight hundred and eighty-five dollars and two cents; total
amount of cash paid out per vouchers, 14 one thousand eight hundred
and eleven dollars and fifteen and one-half cents; charged J. Palmer s
private account, seventy-three dollars and eighty-six and one-half

14 This amount, copied from the Oregon archives, is apparently an error. It should
be two thousand eight hundred and eleven dollars and fifteen and one-half cents.

260 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

cents. This department has drawn orders on the loan commission
ers from number one to number two hundred and seven inclusive;
cash included, sixteen thousand one hundred and twenty-seven dol
lars and thirty-three and one-half cents; commissary due bills ( out
standing) about five thousand three hundred and one dollars. The
amount of subsistence when the returns are fully made will not be
far from eleven thousand four hundred sixty-four dollars. There is
remaining in the hands of the commissary-general the following :
At Fort Wascopam 15 about sixty head of Spanish cattle; at Forts
Wascopam and Waters about twenty -five horses; in the valley about
forty head of cattle, eight or ten horses, six kegs powder, four large
kegs powder, one box caps, four rifles, twenty-six muskets, one
shotgun, lead, balls, shot, one tent, five sickles, ten hoes, four hand
saws, one broadaxe, one adz, one fine saw, one crosscut saw, one
spade, sixteen camp kettles, two frying pans, eight spoons, nine tin
pans, ten plates, and three coffee pots.

The several accounts of camp equipage, arms, and repairs, and
saddling, owing to reports from proper officers not being full on
those accounts, and the transactions of the disbursing officers are
yet unsettled, renders it impossible to state the precise amount of
articles lost and worn out in the service, consequently prevents at
present being stated the amount paid by each. There are vouchers
in this office covering the total amount of cash when added to the
amount in hand.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

JOEL PALMER,
Per LOT WHITCOMB, A. C. G.

On the sixteenth of February, 1849, Governor Aber-
nethy approved an act passed by the provisional legisla
ture, entitled "An act to provide for the final settlement
of the claims against the Oregon government for and on
account of the Cayuse war." The act appointed a board
of commissioners, consisting of Thomas Magruder, Samuel
Burch, and Wesley Shannon, whose duty it was to exam
ine and adjust these claims; said commissioners to receive
five dollars a day u for every day necessarily so employed,"
and to meet on the first Monday in every month, remaining
in session " as long as there was any business before them ;"
the last meeting to be held on the first Monday in the fol
lowing November. 16

w Fort Lee at The Dalles,
is Oregon Archives, MS. 1050.

THE CAYUSE WAR. 261

Before November the new government had come in and
the territorial legislature in August, 1849, passed another
act "to provide for settling Cayuse war claim," and for an
election by both houses of "a commissioner" 17 to investi
gate all claims growing out of or pertaining to the Cayuse
war; said commissioner to be allowed five dollars a day
for each day he should be actually engaged in the dis
charge of his duties, to be paid out of the territorial treas
ury, and to hold office for one year. A. E. Wait was the
commissioner elected. It was not expected that the busi
ness of adj using these claims should be accomplished in
one year, nor was it.

A committee of the congress of the United States., moved
by the eloquence of Samuel R. Thurston, the first territo
rial delegate, agreed to appropriate one hundred thousand
dollars wherewith to pay the expenses of the Cayuse war,
Thurston telling his constituents that it was "that or noth
ing," and indeed, considering the parsimony which had
hitherto characterized the action of congress towards the
Oregon people, this was a munificent sum ; but the inves
tigations of Commissioner Wait convinced the legislature
which met in December, 1850, that an additional fifty
thousand would be required to extinguish the debt, as
the following extract from a memorial from this legisla
ture to congress gives evidence :

It appears that he (the commissioner) has investigated, allowed,
and certified claims against the late provisional government of Ore
gon, after deducting all payments and offsets, the sum of seventy-
six thousand eight hundred and thirty dollars and twenty-four
cents. By the same it appears that his predecessor so audited the
sum of ten thousand four hundred dollars and twenty-nine cents,
making the total amount audited and certified by the present com
missioner and his predecessor, eighty-seven thousand two hundred
and thirty dollars and fifty-three cents. In his report the commis
sioner estimates the probable expense of the war at one hundred
and fifty thousand dollars. The debts due the several in

dividuals, as ascertained and set forth in the commissioner s report,
are for services rendered or material furnished by the citizens of this

17 Oregon Archives, MS. 1052.

262 INDIAN- WAES OF OREGON.

territory, many of whom, by so doing, were left in a suffering con
dition. Men left families depending on their daily labor for sub
sistence, farmers turned their horses loose from the plough in the
furrow and furnished them to the army for transportation. They
have waited nearly three years, and received as yet no remunera
tion. Your memorialists respectfully but firmly conceive that the
expenses of the war should be borne by the nation at large ; that it
was a war fought in self-defense for the United States by the people
of this territory. The time has come when the men who spent
their time, money, and property in the prosecution of that war
should be remunerated. The territory is too weak to do it and meet
the demands made upon her resources by her growing interests. To
conclude, your memorialists respectfully but firmly pray your hon
orable body, at your present session, to appropriate the sum esti
mated by the commissioners on Cayuse war claims, according to
the annexed report, to be expended, ( under the direction of the leg
islature of this territory, or by such officer as congress may direct ) ,
in the payment of the expenses incurred by the late provisional
government of Oregon in the Cayuse war. 18

/ The first bill actually passed for the payment of the
Cayuse war debt was for seventy-three thousand dollars,
and in 1853-4 Hon. Joseph Lane concluded the business
by securing an appropriation of seventy-five thousand
dollars to pay the remaining expenses. Lane also secured
the passage of a bill giving bounties to volunteers in any
wars in which they had been regularly enrolled since 1790,
which was intended to cover the Oregon Indian wars.
Some private claims have been paid from time to time.
There remained until the present decade only a bill for the
relief of Captain Lawrence Hall s company, which was in
the hands of Senator Mitchell, Captain William E. Birk-
himer, United States army, having been designated to
examine the accounts, who found in favor of their payment.
The Cayuse war marked, and closed the existence of the
provisional government of Oregon. As an example of the
facility with which Americans organize and establish gov
ernments or armies, it is one of the most interesting on
record, and as an illustration in the main of the good
points in American character it is noticeable. "When I

" Oregon Archives, MS. 1044.

! ; ERSI1*

THE CATUSE WAR. 268- -

was about to start for Fort Colville with my company to
escort the missionary families," says Major Magone, "I
addressed my men, telling them that they were about to
perform the duty of gentlemen toward refined Christian
women, and I trusted that those ladies would be shocked by
no word of profanity, or act of rudeness while under the
company s care; and I never had occasion to reprove a
man of them." Brave in the presence of the enemy, they
could be gentle where gentleness was becoming.

ROGUE RIVER WARS.

CHAPTER I.

RASCALITIES OF THE ROGUE-RIVER INDIANS LANE S FIRST EFFORT TO TREAT WITH
THEM NAMING A CHIEF APPOINTMENT OF AN INDIAN COMMISSION TO MAKE
TREATIES EXTRAVAGANT EXPENDITURE DART MADE SUPERINTENDENT OUT
RAGES BY THE SNAKE INDIANS CAUSES TROUBLE WITH THE ROGUE-RIVERS
MURDER OF DILLEY TRAVELERS ATTACKED KEARNEY S SKIRMISH, AND
DEATH OF CAPTAIN STUART VOLUNTEERING LANE APPEARS AGAIN KEAR
NEY S FINAL BATTLE INDIAN PRISONERS DELIVERED TO GOVERNOR GAINES
THE PORT ORFORD SETTLEMENT ATTACKED MASSACRE ON THE COQUILLE
ESCAPE OF T VAULT AND OTHERS TROOPS AND INDIAN AGENTS GAINES AND
SKINNER COLONEL CASEY S OPERATIONS ARRIVAL OF FRESH TROOPS CAMP
CASTAWAY RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN ROGUE-RIVER V ALLEY ELISHA STEELE
AND AGENT SKINNER FIGHT AT BIG BAR TREATY MADE WITH CHIEF SAM
NEGLECT OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT MURDERS BY THE MODOCS MCDER-
MIT S AND BEN WRIGHT S CAMPAIGN EXPEDITION OF JOHN E. Ross PUNISH
MENT OF THE MODOCS.

IT HAS been mentioned in the histor}^ of the Cayuse war
that Lane, governor and superintendent of Indian affairs,
was absent in southern Oregon during the trial of the In
dian prisoners at Oregon City. The occasion of this ab
sence was the conduct of the Rogue-river Indians towards
white men traveling to and from the gold fields of north
ern California. They had attacked a party in camp at
Rock Point, and robbed them of their season s gains, as
well as of all their other property, the men only escaping
by fleeing to the woods.

Other complaints, and the well-known rascalities of these
Indians, led the superintendent to visit them, to change, if
possible, this condition of travel on the California road.
His party consisted of fifteen white men, and as many
Klickitat Indians under their chief, Quatley. They over
took and escorted some cattle drivers as far as the south
bank of Rogue river, where Lane encamped, sending word

(267)

268 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

to the Indians that he had come to make a treaty of peace
and friendship, and desiring them to meet him unarmed.
This proposition was accepted, and after a little delay two
of the principal chiefs, with seventy-five warriors, arrived
at camp.

The reception being over, the visitors were arranged in
a circle, with Lane and the chiefs in the center. But be
fore the council had begun, another party as large as the
first appeared, advancing upon the camp armed with bows
and arrows. They were invited to lay down their arms
and be seated ; and at the same time Lane, who had now
to depend upon his keenness of sight and mind for the
safety of his party, ordered Quatley, with two or three
Klickitats inside the circle, to stand beside the head chief
of the Rogue-rivers.

Keeping a sharp lookout, and communicating with Quat
ley only by flashes of the eye, Lane coolly proceeded to open
the council, explaining that the object of his conference
with them was to put a stop to their habitual robberies and
murders of white men, to make travel through their coun
try safe, and to make a treaty of friendship. If this could
be affected, both white people and red would live in peace,
and the lands settled upon by his race would be paid for
by the government, whose agent would be sent to reside
amongst them, and look after their interests.

The answer to Lane s speech, which was interpreted by
Quatley, was a brief address in stentorian tones by the
head chief to his people, who sprang to their feet, raising
the war cry, and displaying the few guns they had among
them, besides their bows and arrows. Lane had his coun
ter movement ready, Quatley being told to seize the chief
and hold him with a knife at his throat. He then, with
his revolver in hand, quickly advanced to the line of
armed Indians, knocking up their guns, and ordering
them to lay down their arms. The chief finding himself a
prisoner within the embrace of three stout Klickitats, and
a gory death awaiting him, seconded Lane s command to

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 269

ground their arms. After a few minutes deliberation Lane
ordered them to retire and return again in two days to a
peace council, during which time he should hold their
chief as a hostage; and sullenly they departed with a new
view of the character of the white race, whom they were
accustomed to see in the light of fleeing victims of their
cupidity and barbarity.

Lane s natural gallantry, love of adventure, and his fine
courage made him particularly well adapted to deal with
Indians. The morning following the captivity of the
Rogue-river chief, his wife appeared on the bank of the
river opposite the camp, and entreated to be allowed to
join her lord. This was permitted, and Lane used the
opportunity to impress upon the savage mind some of the
higher sentiments of chivalry. In this he was so successful
that before the two days were spent the proud chief re
quested a further conversation. Having learned from the
interpreter the name of his hero, he addressed him, "Mika
name Jo Lane?" "Nawitka," said the one-time general.
" Give your name to me," said the chief, " for I have seen
no man like you." To this proposal Lane replied that he
would give him half his name Jo by which monosyl
labic appellation the Rogue-river chief was known from
that day forward.

The softening process having gone on for days, Lane
presented to the mind of chief Jo the advantages of a
treaty with the United States with such success that his
propositions were accepted, even to the restoration of prop
erty taken from the Oregonians passing through their
country, minus the gold dust, which had been ignorantly
poured into the river, and so become lost irrecoverably.
By Jo s advice his people all consented to the terms of
the treaty as drawn up by Lane, which they kept with
tolerable honesty for that year.

In order to prevent, as far as he could, a violation of the
Indians rights under the treaty, papers were given to each
member of the tribe present containing a written warn-

270 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

ing, signed by his name, so that " Jo Lane" became a tal-
esmanic word throughout the Rogue river and Shasta
valleys. s

Lane having learned that he was to be superseded by a
whig governor, did not return to Oregon City, but pro
ceeded south to the Shasta mines to dig gold, Chief Jo
presenting him, on parting, with a mark of his esteem, in
the shape of a Modoc boy for a slave.

In 1850 congress passed an act extinguishing Indian
titles west of the Cascade mountains, and the president
immediately appointed as superintendent of Indian affairs,
Anson Dart, who arrived in Oregon in October, together
with P. C. Dart, his secretary. The sub-agents appointed
were A. G. Henry, who failed to arrive at all; Elias Wam-
pole, who did arrive; and H. H. Spalding, already on the
ground. Twenty thousand dollars was appropriated and
advanced to the superintendent with which he was to
erect dwellings for himself and agents, and make presents
to the Indians.

A commission was also created, consisting of the newly
appointed governor, John P. Gaines, Alonzo A. Skinner,
and Beverly S. Allen, to make treaties with the Indians
west of the Cascades. According to their instructions, the
object of the government was to remove the complaint of
the settlers that they could not acquire perfect titles to
their lands before the Indian title was extinguished. For
this cause they were to treat with the small tribes in the
Wallamet valley first and separately. They were to decide
what amount of money should be paid for the lands, and
grant annuities not to exceed five per cent of the whole
amount. They were advised not to pay the annuities in
money, but to substitute such articles of use, of agricul
ture, mechanics, and education as should to them seem
best. If any surplus remained, goods might be purchased
with that, to be delivered to the Indians. For this object
twenty thousand dollars were appropriated, fifteen thou-

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 271

sand of which was placed in the sub-treasury at San
Francisco, subject to the order of Governor Gaines, the
remainder being invested in goods, shipped around Cape
Horn.

The pay allowed the commissioners was eight dollars
per diem; the pay of their secretary five. They were
allowed the services of interpreters and servants, as many
as desired, at such rates as they pleased, with their travel
ing expenses, and a mileage of ten cents. The commis
sioners did not get to work before April, 1851, and in a few
weeks six treaties had been made with the fragments of
tribes in the Wallamet valley, and the twenty thousand
dollars expended, less about three hundred, which re
mained, when information was received that congress had
abolished Indian commissions, and placed the business of
treaty making in the hands of the superintendent alone.

Dart was now without money, and almost without help
from sub-agents. Spalding, who had been assigned to the
Umpquas, visited them but seldom, and his removal was
asked for, E. A. Sterling being appointed in his place, but
stationed at the mouth of the Columbia. In June the su
perintendent paid a visit to the tribes east of the Cascades,
finding them quiet, and promising them pay in the future
for their lands. He found the Cayuses reduced by their
misfortunes to a mere handful, the warriors among them
numbering only thirty-six men. Here, on the Urnatilla,
he selected a site for an agency ; and proceeded to visit the
former mission stations of Waiilatpu and Lapwai to ascer
tain the losses of the Presbyterians through the Cay use
war. The cost of this expedition for employes was fifty
dollars a day, in addition to transportation, which was
four hundred dollars to The Dalles only, the superinten
dent s salary, and other expenses. Transportation from
The Dalles to Umatilla cost fifteen hundred dollars, be
sides subsistence. A feast to the Cayuses cost eighty dol
lars, and so on. The agency building erected on the
Umatilla cost enormously, and was of little use, Wampole,

272 INDIAN WARM OF OREGON.

who did not arrive in Oregon until July, being removed
in less than three months for trading with the Indians.
A number of sub-agents were appointed for different parts
of the territory, who either did not accept, or were ineffi
cient. The one who really understood Indians, and was
of use in going among the wild tribes, was J. L. Parrish of
the dismembered Methodist mission.

The circumstances in which Dart found himself as su
perintendent of Indian affairs for the whole territory of
Oregon, both north and south of the Columbia river, and
east and west of the Cascade range, were anything but
condusive to peace of mind or personal comfort, and it
would appear that he accomplished as much as under the
same conditions any man could have been expected to do.
In his report he gave it as his opinion that with the ex
ception of the Snake and Rogue-river tribes, the Indians
of Oregon were remarkably well disposed; but that to
keep these savages in subjection troops should be stationed
at certain points, and particular^ in the Snake-river coun
try, through which the immigration must pass annually.

What it was that about 1850 developed the war spirit in
these Indians, formerly not more ill-behaved than all sav
ages, was a subject of conjecture. Doubtless the passage
through their country of large bodies of people unarmed,
and having with them much property, was a temptation
to them to steal, and robbery sometimes provoked punish-,
ment. Blood once shed was the seed of a terrible harvest,
as all Indian history proves.

Many persons believed they could see, in the sudden
disaffection of the (Snakes, the hand of the Latter-Day
Saints, and certainly the evidence, though circumstantial,
was strong against them. Others reasoned that the law
forbidding the sale of ammunition to Indians in Oregon,
which law the Hudson s Bay Company was compelled to
respect, had destroyed that company s influence with the
Indians, leaving them free to follow their own savage
impulses. It might have been surmised that the Cayuse

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 273

murderers, during their wanderings, had infected the
Snakes with a spirit of hostility to Americans.

A slight coloring seemed to be given to this theory by
the behavior of the Snakes towards the Nez Perces, who
had refused to join the Cayuses in a war against the
Americans, they having been hostile to the Nez Perces
ever since that period. Dart found the Nez Perces in 1851
preparing to go to war against the Snakes, but persuaded
them to wait another year for the United States to send
troops into the country, when, if the troops had not arrived,
he promised them they might fight.

In the light of what happened afterwards, it would have
been better to have allowed the Nez Perces to have fought
and subdued the Snakes. For, in 1851, the immigration
suffered the most fiendish outrages at the hands of these
savages, who regarded not age, sex, or condition. Thirty-
four persons were killed, many wounded, and eighteen
thousand dollars worth of property taken by the Snakes
while the immigration was passing.

The road to California, traveled now continually, was
more and more unsafe through all that region roamed
over by the Shastas, Rogue-river tribes, and their allies.
Notwithstanding the treaty entered into between Lane and
the chief of the Rogue-rivers the previous year, great
caution was necessary in selecting and guarding camping
places and crossing streams. If a party wishing to cross
a river constructed a ferryboat and left it tied up for the
use of a party in the rear, the latter on arriving found it
gone. While making another, guard had to be main
tained, in spite of which their horses and pack animals
were likely to be stampeded. When a part of their outfit
was ferried over, guard must be maintained on both sides
of the stream, dividing their force and increasing their
peril. These annoyances and occasional conflicts led to
irritation on the part of the miners, who, as they grew
stronger, were less careful in their conduct towards the

274 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Indians, who were only too ready to find provocation in
the contempt of white men.

Finally, in May, contempt was turned into a desire for
vengeance by the treacherous murder of David Dilley, one
of a party of three white men, and two professedly friendly
Rogue-rivers. While encamped for the night the Indians
stealthily arose, seized Dilley s gun, and shot him dead as
he slept. The other two white men, who were unarmed,
escaped back to a party in the rear, and the news was
sent to Shasta, where a company was formed, headed by
one Long, who crossed the Siskiyous, killed two Indians,
one a sub-chief, and took several prisoners as hostages for
the delivery of the murderers.

Demanding the surrender of the murderers was well
enough, but the demand being accompanied or preceded
by revenge, gave the head chief a plausible ground for
refusing to give up the guilty parties. Further, he threat
ened to destroy Long s company, which remained at the
crossing of Rogue river awaiting the turn of events. He
was not molested, but at a ferry south of this one, several
skirmishes occurred. One party of twenty- six men was
attacked June first, and an Indian killed in the encounter.
On the day following, at the same place, three several
parties were set upon and robbed, one of which lost four
men in the skirmish.

On the third, Dr. James McBride and thirty-one men
returning from the mines, were attacked in camp south of
Rogue river. There were but seventeen guns in the party,
while the Indians were two hundred strong, and had in
addition to their bows and arrows about as many firearms.
They were led by a chief known as Chucklehead, the battle
commencing at daybreak and lasting four hours and a
half, or until Chucklehead w r as killed, when the Indians
withdrew. No loss of life or serious wounds were sustained
by the white men, but about sixteen hundred dollars worth
of property and gold dust was secured by the Indians,
who it was believed lost some men who were carried off

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 275

the field. Those of McBride s party who were mentioned
by him for their bravery in the fight, were A. Richardson
of San Jose, California, James Barlow, Captain Turpin,
Jesse Dodson and son, Aaron Payne, Dillard Holman,
Jesse Runnels, Presley Lovelady, and Richard Sparks of
Oregon.

This affair, following on the heels of those of the first
and second, showed the gravity of the situation. Oregon
was threatened with another Indian war indeed it was
already begun. It happened, however, that the govern
ment was just on the point of carrying out Thurston s
rejection of the mounted rifle regiment, which was depart
ing in divisions overland for California, and thence to
Jefferson barracks, the first division having taken up the
march in April, and the last, under Major Kearney, in
June.

Kearney was moving slowly southward exploring for a
road that should avoid the Umpqua canon, when at the
north end of the pass he was met by the information that
the Rogue-river Indians were engaged in active hostilities,
and were massing their fighting men at the stronghold of
Table Rock, twenty miles east of the crossing of Rogue
river. He pushed on with a detachment of only twenty-
eight men, but a heavy rain had raised the streams on his
route and otherwise impeded his progress, so that it was
the seventeenth of June before he reached the river at a
point five miles below Table Rock. Discovering signs of
Indians, he ordered his command to fasten their sabers to
their saddles, that they should not by their noise apprise
the Indians of their approach, and dividing his force, sent
a part of it up the south side under Captain Walker to in
tercept any Indians who might escape him, while the re
mainder, under Captain James Stuart, advanced on the
north side, hoping to surprise the Indians.

He found the Indians quite prepared and expecting an
attack. His men dismounted in such haste that they left
their sabers tied to their saddles, and made a dash upon

276 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the enemy, killing eleven Indians and wounding others.
But Captain Stuart, who was engaged in a personal con
test with a large Indian, whom he finally laid prostrate,
was shot through the kidneys by an arrow aimed by his
fallen foe, and died the following day. Captain Peck and
one of the troopers were wounded in the skirmish, which
was all the loss sustained by Kearney s command. The
detachment fell back, crossing the river near the mouth of
a stream coming in from the south, where camp was made,
and where the brave young Captain Stuart died, lament
ing that it had not been his fate to have fallen in battle in
Mexico and not in the wilderness by the hand of a sav
age. Here he was buried and the earth above him so
trodden that his grave could not be discovered. From
this incident in Oregon s early history Stuart creek re
ceived its name.

The Indians had fallen back to their natural fortifica
tion at Table Rock, which is a flat-topped promontory
overhanging Rogue river, from which observations could
be taken of the whole valley, and any approach signaled.
Finding that his force was too small to attack this position,
Kearney remained in camp several days, waiting for a de
tachment in his rear with Lieutenants Williamson and
Irvine to come up, and the arrival of volunteer companies
being hastily formed in the mines.

The news of the outbreak had sped as fast as horsemen
could carry it to Oregon City. But Governor Gaines was
powerless to send an army into the field, no provision hav
ing been made by the territorial legislature for the organi
zation of the militia. Pie could only write to the president
that troops were needed in Oregon, where Oregon s dele
gate had declared they were not needed. Having dis
charged this duty, he set out for the seat of war without
even a military escort. At Applegate s place in the Ump-
qua valley he endeavored to raise a company which might
act as escort and join the force in the field, but found that
most of the men able to bear arms already gone, and was

THE EOGUE EIVER WARS. 277

forced to wait until the last of the month before he could
proceed.

In the interim, between the seventeenth and the twenty-
third, Jesse Applegate, who had been with Kearney ex
ploring for a new and better road through the Umpqua
country, and ex-Governor Lane, who had just been elected
delegate to congress, were in the recruiting service. Ap
plegate had been unable to remain where Kearney had
left him, and had drifted down on his crusade to the ferry
on Rogue river when he met a company of miners return
ing from Josephine creek, and going to Yreka. To these
he suggested that they might be of service in assisting the
regulars and volunteers, already at that time assembling.
Thirty men of this company proceeded to Willow springs,
where they waited to be called on to join the regulars, or
to be used to intercept the Indians, who it was thought
would flee before the troops in this direction.

Lane s election being secured, he was returning to the
gold fields of Shasta to look after his mining interests be
fore he should set sail for Washington, and had arrived at
the Umpqua canon on the twenty-first, where he first
heard, from a party traveling north, of the battle of the
seventeenth, and the death of Captain Stuart. With his
party of about forty men he pushed on, and by the night
of the twenty-second had reached the foot of Rogue-river
mountains, where he was met by an express rider who in
formed him that Kearney would make a march that night
with the intention of striking the Indians at break of day
on the twenty-third.

Governed by this news he set out early on the morning
of the twenty-third to join Kearney, but failed to discover
him, though he rode hard all day; and the next day he
fell back to Camp Stuart to wait for further intelligence.
During the evening G. W. T Vault and Levi Scott, with a
party from Kearney s command, came in for supplies, and
with them Lane returned, riding until two o clock in the
morning, his arrival being joyfully welcomed by regulars
and volunteers to the army.

278 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

He then learned that there had been a skirmish on the
morning of the twenty-third at Table Rock, and a four
hours battle in the afternoon, the Indians having the ad
vantage of a wooded eminence where they had erected a
breastwork of logs; and the attacking force the advantage
of superior arms. The morning s fight had been a sur
prise, and lasted but a quarter of an hour, during which,
says J. A. Card well, whose party was at Willow springs,
" there was a terrible yelling and crying by the Indians,
and howling of dogs." 1

The afternoon s battle was a determined fight, in which
the InSians suffered severely, and several white men were
wounded. The Indians had not yet learned to shoot with
accuracy with their few guns, but chief Jo boasted that
he could "keep a thousand arrows in the air continually."
the ping and sting of which were very annoying, even
when not deadly. Further, when Kearney proposed mak
ing a treaty, the proud savages challenged him to fresh
combat, for which, indeed, he had not much stomach.
Chasing naked savages up and down hills and through
wooded ambushes had nothing in it alluring to the fighter
of real battles.

It was, however, Kearney s intention to attack the
Indians again on the morning of the twenty -fifth, but
when daylight came they had abandoned their fortifica
tions and escaped down the river. The pursuit was
eagerly taken up, the trail being found to cross the river
seven miles below Table Rock. Following it up Sardine
creek, the fugitives were overtaken, but when discovered
separated; the warriors fleeing to cover in the forest, leav
ing their women and children to be captured and cared
for by the troops, who, after scouring the country for two
days, returned to Camp Stuart with thirty prisoners.

1 This account is taken from a dictation by J. A. Cardwell of Ashland, and from
letters by General Lane and Jesse Applegate. The names of Waldo, Boone, Lame-
rick, Armstrong, Hunter, Rust, Blanchard, Simonson, Scott, and Colonel Tranor
appear in these letters. Tranor was James W. of New Orleans, a brilliant writer,
who was killed by Indians on Pit river at a later date.

THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 279

During the pursuit Lane had been recognized by the
chiefs, whom he had met in council the previous } r ear, who
declaimed to him in stentorian tones across the river,
complaining that white men on horseback had invaded
their country, riding about freely everywhere; that they
were afraid to lie down to sleep lest these intruding
strangers should be upon them. Lane reminded them
that on account of their conduct the intruders themselves
enjoyed few opportunities for peaceful rest, and reproached
them for breaking their treaty, on which they declared
themselves tired of war and longing for peace. But Lane
was no longer in his official capacity responsible for trea
ties, and Kearney, whose march to Ben cia had so long
been interrupted, would consent to no further delay, but
in a few days took up the trail, carrying with him his
thirty prisoners, there being no place of confinement in
southern Oregon where they could be left, nor responsible
men willing to escort them to the headquarters of the
superintendent of Indian affairs.

He had not proceeded far when he met Lane about
returning from a hasty visit to Shasta, and who, seeing
Kearney s embarrassment, proposed himself to take charge
of the prisoners, and deliver them either to Governor
Gaines or the superintendent. This offer was gladly
accepted, it being agreed that the prisoners should not be
delivered up until they had consented to a permanent
treaty of peace. The transferance of the captive women
and children was accomplished by the aid of Lieutenant
Irvine, who was attached to Williamson s topographical
expedition in connection with the Pacific railroad surveys
of the government, and Captain Walker of Kearney s
command.

Having assumed the safe conduct of the prisoners, Lane
at once proceeded north, and on the seventh of July de
livered his charge to the governor, who had at last reached
Rogue river, but only to find the troops gone, and not an
Indian within reach. By means of the prisoners delivered

280 INDIAN WAES OF OEEGON.

to him by Lane, he induced eleven of the head men and
one hundred of their followers to consent to a treaty by
which the Indians agreed to submit to the jurisdiction and
accept the protection of the United States, and to restore
the property stolen from white people. These treaty-
makers belonged to what might be called the peace party
in Rogue-river Indian politics, a party which came into
power whenever the war party sustained a defeat at the
hands of white people, for several years in the history of
Rogue-river valley. In return for their promise of sub
mission they received back their captive families, whom
no doubt the governor was pleased to be rid of. As an
Indian s word was no better than it should be, the governor,
when he returned to Oregon City, recommended that an
agent should be sent among them, supplemented by a
small military force. Thus ended the first military cam
paign in Rogue-river valley.

While these affairs occupied the attention of the few
white people in the interior of southern Oregon, their
brethren on the coast were having also their introduction
to savage hostilities.

About the first of June, the Seagull, Captain William
Tichenor, looking for a port south of the Columbia river
whence the mails and miners supplies might be trans
ported to the valleys of western Oregon, put a party of
nine men ashore in the bay now known as Port Orford,
and there left them, intending to reenforce them on the
next trip of the steamer. They were supplied with provis
ions and arms, and were placed on a high point sloping
towards the sea, with a four-pound cannon for defense in
case of attack.

While the steamer remained in port the natives appeared
friendly, but when the nine men were left alone in their
midst, the temptation to despoil them of whatever they
possessed proved greater than could be bbrne. At the end
of two days they collected in force, held a war dance, and

THE ROGUE EIVEE WARS. 281

advanced upon the temporary fortification. In vain the
captain of the little company, J. M. Kirkpatrick, by ex
pressive gestures, motioned them away, and even threat
ened them. They were unacquainted with firearms, and
relied upon numbers, so they kept on crowding up the
slope, and becoming every moment more annoying, until
finally they began seizing the arms of the men. At this
motion Kirkpatrick touched off the cannon, which made
a vacancy where before had been a crowd, and created a
panic where before had been boasting. A few arrows were
let fly, but the besieged, by firing with sure aim, succeeded
in bringing to the ground several warriors, after which
they fought hand to hand with clubbed guns. This ener
getic reception convinced the attacking party that more
"medicine" would be required before they could subdue
the nine white strangers, and they retired, but only to
reappear after a day or two to hold another war dance.

Upon reviewing their numbers and their situation, with
out the hope of reenforcement for some time, and with an
insufficient supply of ammunition for a protracted siege,
the unanimous opinion of the Port Orford company was
that flight would give them a chance for their lives, while
to remain was to yield up all hope, as the savages would
finally conquer by mere numbers and persistence. They
therefore quietly abandoned the place, and by traveling-
nights along the beach, and hiding in the woods by day,
reached the settlements near the mouth of the Umpqua
river, famished, suffering, and exhausted, where they were
kindly cared for.

When Captain Tichenor returned to Port Orford with a
company of forty settlers, finding the place deserted, and
giving evidences of a hard struggle, he was greatly
alarmed. His alarm became conviction, when an unfin
ished diary, picked up on the ground where the camp of
the first party had stood, was found to contain an inter
rupted account of a battle with the Indians. The sup
posed massacre of th 3 party was published in California

282 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

and Oregon, and much excitement followed. The reen-
forcement remained, however, and was farther increased
until the Port Orford settlers numbered seventy, well
armed, and able 1o repulse Indian assaults.

In August the whole colony felt itself strong enough to
venture upon an exploring expedition to discover the de
sired route to the mines and settlements in the interior,
and a party of twenty-three men, led by W. G. T Vault,
who had recently been in southern Oregon, set out upon
this service on the twenty-fourth of the month, with horses
and pack animals. Their course lay south to Rogue river.
During the march the natives they met were few and shy,
until they came to the river, when they made some hos
tile demonstrations, but were intimidated by seeing guns
pointed at them into keeping a safe distance. By care in
selecting camping grounds, burning off the high grass for
some distance about them, and doubling guard, the party
avoided a collision with the savages.

On the first of September, a majority of the company
being wearied and dissatisfied with the outlook, deter
mined to abandon the expedition and return to Port Or
ford; only ten men, including their leader, being resolved
to go forward. After nine days of wandering, misled by
the northward trend of the ridges they were compelled to
follow, they found themselves on the head waters of a
stream apparently debouching to the north of Point Or
ford, and therefore probably the Coquille.

Worn with travel, with only one hunter in the party, on
whose success depended their subsistence, and their horses
being unable to penetrate the jungle of the river bottom,
it was decided that the only course remaining to them was
to trust themselves to the Indian canoes with their native
owners. Abandoning their horses they secured the ser
vices of some natives and their canoes, to take them to
the mouth of the river. Instead of doing what was ex
pected of them, the Indians landed the party at the Co
quille village whose inhabitants seemed to be awaiting

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 283

them, for no sooner were the canoes run on to the sands
than their occupants were surrounded and fighting for the
possession of their arms and lives. Hundreds of naked
warriors, armed with bows and arrows, war clubs, and
long knives made of band iron from a wrecked vessel, 2
assailed them on every side.

The assault was so sudden, and attended with such con
fusion of sounds, yells, cries, and blows that defense was
nearly impossible. T Vault afterwards said that the first
thing he was aware of was that he was in the river swim
ming. Not far from him was one of his men, Gilbert
Brush, an Indian in a canoe standing over him, and beat
ing his head with a paddle, the water about him being
crimsoned with blood.

While he looked he saw a canoe shoot out from shore, in
which stood an Indian boy who beat off Brush s tor m enter
and assisted the wounded man into his boat; then picking
up T Vault, handed him his paddle, and flinging himself
into the water, swam back to the village. T Vault and
Brush on landing divested themselves of their sodden cloth
ing, 3 and plunged into the forest. T Vault was not badly
wounded, but Brush was partly scalped and very much
bruised. They were on the south side of the river, and
their hope was in reaching Port Orford. By traveling all
night along the beach they came to Cape Blanco, where
the natives received them in a friendly manner, protecting
and feeding them and conveying them in their canoes to
Port Orford.

As to the remainder of the ill-fated party, five were mas
sacred and three escaped. L. L. Williams of Vermont, a
pioneer of Ashland; T. J. Davenport, then a young man
from Massachusetts, and Cyrus Heddeii from Newark, New
Jersey, were the survivors. Patrick Murphy of New York,
A. S. Dougherty of Texas, John P. Holland of New Hamp-

2 The Hagstaff, wrecked in Rogue river.

3 In T Vault s account he does not tell us why he left off his clothing whether as
a bribe to the Indians not to pursue them, or because they were heavy with water,
probably the latter.

284 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

shire, Jeremiah Ryland of Maryland, and J. P. Pepper of
New York, were the victims. 4 The three who escaped made
their way to the Umpqua, where they were kindly cared
for, 5 making the third party, which, wounded and famished,
had reached this settlement during the summer from the
south. 6

The persons interested in Port Orford continued to
explore for some time, vainly, for a road to the interior,
and to represent the superior advantages of the harbor,

4 Alta Californian, October 14, 1851.

5 Williams narrative of his flight and plight exceeds in interest the famous one of
Samuel Coulter. He was attacked as he stepped ashore by two powerful savages,
who endeavored to seize his rifle. This being accidentally discharged frightened
them away for a moment, giving him an opportunity to attempt to force his way
through the swarm of dusky demons who sought to arrest his flight or to possess
themselves of his gun. What with this attempt, and having to use it as a club,
there was soon nothing left of it but the naked barrel. But he was young, strong,
and fleet of foot, and though once felled to the ground, succeeded in fighting himself
free from the crowd and escaping towards the forest. As he ran across the open
ground, an arrow struck him in the left side below the ribs, penetrating the abdomen
and bringing him to a sudden stop. Finding that he could not take a step, he quickly
drew out the shaft, which broke off, one joint of its length with the barb being left
in his body. In his excitement he was unconscious of any pain, and ran on with,
for a while, a dozen Indians in pursuit, the number finally dwindling down to two,
who took turns in shooting arrows at him. Being in despair of escaping and irritated
by their persistence, he turned pursuer, but when he ran after one, the other shot at
him from behind. At this critical moment the suspenders of his pantaloons gave
way, letting them fall about his feet, compelling him to stop to kick them off. At
the same time his eyes and mouth were filled with blood from a wound on his head;
and, as blind and despairing he turned towards the forest, he fell headlong. This
was a signal for his pursuers to rush upon him. In the hands of the foremost one
was a gun which he attempted to fire, and failed. Says Williams in his narrative :
The sickening sensations of the last half hour were at once dispelled when I realized
that the gun had refused to fire. I was on my feet in a moment, rifle barrel in hand.
Instead of running I stood firm, and the Indian with the rifle also met me with it,
drawn by the breech. The critical moment of the whole affair had arrived, and I
knew it must be the final struggle. My first two or three blows failed utterly, and I
received some severe bruises ; but fortune was on my side, and a lucky blow given
with unusual force fell upon my antagonist, killing him almost instantly. I seized
the gun, a sharp report followed, and I had the satisfaction of seeing my remaining
pursuer stagger and fall dead." Williams then, expecting to die, lay down in the
woods, but was discovered by Hedden, who was uninjured, and who, with the
assistance of some friendly Umpquas brought him in six days to the Umpqua river,
where the brig Almira, Captain Gibbs, was lying, which took the refugees to
Gardiner. The wound in Williams abdomen discharged for a year; but it was four
years before the arrow-head worked out, and seven years before the broken shaft
was expelled.

6 One of the three was of the crew of the pilot boat Hagstaff, which was wrecked
by Rogue-river Indians, the captain and his men narrowly escaping by fleeing to the
woods where they wandered for three weeks before being rescued by the settlers on
the Umpqua.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 285

being aided in their .enterprise by the reports of govern
ment officials, who knew very little about the merits of
the place which received their endorsement. Such in
fluences were brought to bear upon the commander of the
Pacific division, that, with Kearney s account of Indian
affairs in Rogue-river valley, he was persuaded to with
draw Lieutenant Kantz with his company of twenty men
stationed at Astoria, where they were of no service, and
send them to Port Orford, which was ignorantly supposed
to be a proper location for a garrison to hold in check the
Indians of the valley. It was even represented to General
Hitchcock that the distance from Port Orford to Camp
Stuart was only thirty-five miles, whereas it was more
nearly eighty in a direct line, the necessary meanderings
making it about one hundred.

So far, then, as Kantz s command could be of use to the
miners, it was none; nor was it large enough to be of use
anywhere in an Indian country, except as a sample of
what might be sometime furnished in a larger quantity.
By the steamer Seagull, which left Portland September
twelfth, at which time T Vault s party was wandering in
the forest on the head waters of the Coquille, the superin
tendent of Indian affairs, with his agents, Parrish and
Spalding, took passage for Port Orford with the intention
of making a treaty with the coast tribes. They arrived on
the fourteenth, the day on which the massacre on the
Coquille river took place, and two days afterwards T Vault
and Brush made their appearance with the story of their
misfortunes and marvelous escape through the compassion
of the Cape Blanco natives.

The superintendent found himself in an embarrassing
position. He had come to treat for peace and friendship,
to sue for which under the circumstances was to humiliate
the people he represented. Nor was he able to appear in
the role of an avenger, with only a squad of twenty men
under a young lieutenant at his back. In this dilemma
he found Parrish, who had a better knowledge of Indian

286 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

character than himself, a valuable assistant. The Cape
Blanco Indians were by him persuaded to undertake
finding out what had been the fate of the missing members
of T Vault s party. To accomplish this two Indian women
were sent on a visit to the Coquilles, who succeeded in
learning the particulars of the affair, and who buried the
bodies of the five men who were killed at the village. It
was believed by them that some had escaped alive.

Several days were spent in considering what was best to
be done, and, at length, on the twenty-second of Septem
ber, Parrish set out for the Coquille, accompanied only by
a man of the Tototem tribe on the Columbia river, who
had been stolen from the Coquilles when a child. An
escort which was offered was rejected. Says Parrish: "I
said to Dr. Dart, I want nothing but this Coquille Indian,
a pony, ten pounds of bread, some salmon, three brilliant
red blankets, thirty yards of calico of the gayest colors,
and some tobacco. " 7

Arriving on the evening of the second day near the
mouth of the Coquille, he fell in with one of the tribe, and
found that his interpreter had not forgotten his native
tongue. Remaining on the beach he sent his interpreter
with the Indian to the Coquille village, telling him to
spend the night there if he chose, but to invite the three
principal chiefs to visit his camp at nine o clock the next
morning, unarmed, at the same time presenting each of
them with a red blanket, a square of calico, and some
tobacco.

As he had hoped, these gifts were sufficient to induce
the chiefs to meet him, and they were received with a
hand-shake and a present of more tobacco. But they had
no sooner concluded the ceremonials of greeting than
twenty or more stalwart fellows appeared, armed with
bows and arrows, and the long knives before mentioned,
the interpreter conducting them. It looked like treachery,
and gave the agent a few quicker heart-beats, but he sub-

7 Parrish s Oregon Anecdotes, MS. 56.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 287

dued any tendency to nervousness, and giving his hand to
each, with a little tobacco, invited them to be seated in a
circle, in the middle of which he placed himself and his
interpreter.

Two hours were spent in explaining to them his purpose
in coming to them, which was to make them the friends
of the white people at Port Orford, who had established
themselves there with the intention of remaining. He,
as representative of the Port Orford people, had come to
talk with them, and would be glad if some of them would
return with him, and see his friends for themselves. At
first it seemed as if a few would go, but their hearts failing
them they finally withdrew their consent. A feast of
boiled salmon and bread was next resorted to; after which
pieces of calico were given to each warrior, and a red silk
sash from Parrish s own person to the head chief, who, in
return, presented as a token of friendship a sea-otter skin.
But he was unable to induce any of the Coquilles to put
themselves in the power of the white people. Thus failed
the first attempt to treat with the Coquilles.

Before leaving Oregon City for Port Orford, Superintend
ent Dart had, on learning that the informal treaty made
by Governor Gaines with the Rogue-rivers had been viola
ted, a number of murders and robberies having been com
mitted, sent word to these Indians to meet him at Port
Orford. Now, if there is one thing more than another that
an Indian will not do, it is to invade the territory of a
neighboring tribe with whom he is not allied, except for
purposes of hostility, and that Dart should have known.
That he did not know the distance or the difficulty of
communication was not singular, when it is remembered
that the Port Orford company published it as thirty-five
miles. However that may be, the Indians were more irri
tated than tranquilized by the superintendent s message to
them. The whole number of murders committed by the
Rogue-rivers during the summer of 1851 was thirty-eight,

288 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

and the property taken was very considerable in amount.
A. A. Skinner, who, after the abolishment of the treaty
commission, was retained as Indian agent, held confer
ences with different bauds in the Rogue-river country and
secured professions of friendship by making presents, but
that was all.

When General Hitchcock received information in Sep
tember of the massacre on the Coquille, he ordered a
military force transferred to Port Orford. This force con
sisted of companies E and A, first dragoons, dismounted,
and company C with their horses. It was officered by
Lieutenant -Colonel Casey of the second infantry, and
Lieutenants Stanton, Thomas Wright, and George Stone-
man. The dismounted men arrived at Port Orford Octo
ber twenty-second, and the mounted company on the
twenty-seventh. Their errand was to punish the Coquilles.
On the thirty-first, they commenced their march to the
mouth of the Coquille, finding the greatest difficulty in
getting horses, baggage, and even men over the rough and
slippery trail along the beach, but arriving at the river on
the third of November, guided by Brush, survivor of the
massacre. Camp was made, and preparations entered into
for a campaign.

The troops had not long to wait before discovering the
temper of the natives. Lieutenant Wright having care
lessly wandered away from camp was met by a single
warrior, who struggled with him for possession of his gun,
and was- shot for his temerity. On the fifth, the Indians
gathered on the north side of the river and challenged the
troops to combat. In addition to their bows and arrows,
and their rude swords, they carried now the arms taken
from T Vault s party, consisting of fourteen shooting arms,
many of them repeating, 8 which in the sudden violence of
the attack had been captured on the memorable fourteenth
of September.

8 Eight rifles, one musket, one double-barreled pistol, one Sharp s thirty-six shoot
ing rifle, one Colt s six-shooter, one brace holster pistol, with ammunition.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 289

The two forces fired at each other across the river with
out doing any harm ; and as soon as a raft could be con
structed, which was not until the seventh, the main body
of the troops crossed to the north side, Colonel Casey with
Stanton and the mounted men remaining on the south
side. In this order they proceeded up the valley of the
Coquille in a cold rain, pursuing as best they might the
ever elusive enemy, marching for several days alternately
through swamps and over wooded hills, scrambling
through thickets by day, and lying down in wet blankets
by night, finding nothing on their route but deserted vil
lages on which to wreck their constantly accumulating
wrath, and which they made a point of destroying.

After a few days of this useless pursuing, Casey returned
to the mouth of the river, and changed the plan of his
operations. He sent to Port Orford for three small boats,
which were brought overland. Into these he crowded
sixty men, so packed together that if they had met the
enemy they could not have used their arms. But no
enemy appeared while the flotilla proceeded for four days
up the river to the junction of the north and south forks,
where, on the twentieth, the weather remaining very in
clement and the current in the river being strong, the
troops were disembarked.

On the twenty-first, Stoneman was detailed to proceed
up the south branch with one boat and fourteen men, and
Wright with a similar force was sent up the north branch.
About seven miles up the south fork the Indians were dis
covered in force on both banks. After firing a few shots
Stoneman returned and reported their position. Wright,
who had found no Indians, although he had penetrated
much further into the wilderness, also returned to camp;
and on the twenty-second the united forces set out for the
Indian encampment, the troops marching up the right
bank, two boats only with ten men preceding them.
Great caution was observed, one company crossing to the
left bank half a mile below the village, and all advancing

290 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

in silence to the point of attack. To surprise an Indian
camp which had been notified of the neighborhood of
an enemy was an impossibility. The boats, however,
served as a decoy, and the Indians were gathered on the
bank of the stream to oppose the landing of the white
men, as was expected, when Casey and Wright dashed
among them. Stoneman, from the opposite shore, was
employed in picking off those who could be reached, and
for about twenty minutes the battle raged hotly, fifteen
Indians being killed, and many wounded. The reports of
the affair make no mention of any white men killed or
injured. 9 The Indians fled to the woods, and the troops
returned to camp at the mouth of the river, and after a
few days to Port Orford, where a garrison was erected of
log buildings about half a mile from the town. Early in
December Casey s command returned by sea to San Fran
cisco, and the government had a bill of twenty-five thou
sand dollars to pay, for moving troops, horses, and supplies
by the steamers of the Pacific Mail Company, was a costly
affair in 1851.

In January, 1852, however, the schooner Captain Lin
coln, Naghel master, was chartered to carry troops, under
Lieutenant Stanton, and military stores to supply the new
post called Fort Orford. A heavy fog prevailing, the vessel
went ashore on a sandy point two miles north of the en
trance to Coos bay, where by good fortune the troops and
cargo were safely landed, if it could be supposed that a
mere wind-swept sandspit was land. The men contrived
to shelter themselves under sails stretched on booms and
spars, where they spent four months guarding the stores
from the pilfering fingers of the natives who found en
trance to " Camp Castaway."

An effort was immediately made to explore a trail to
Fort Orford, over which a pack train could be sent to their

9 The writer of the letter from which the above account was taken was drowned
in Sixes river before his letter was finished : Alia Californian, December 14, 1851.

THE EOGUE RIVER WARS. 291

relief, twelve dragoons being assigned to this duty. The
detachment carried dispatches for San Francisco, and was
instructed to wait at Fort Orford for the answer; but the
captain of the mail steamer, which carried the answer,
and also Quartermaster Miller, under an agreement to stop
at Port Orford, being new to the coast mistook Rogue river
entrance for this port, and being alarmed at his error, pro
ceeded direct to the Columbia with the quartermaster, who
did not reach his destination until the twelfth of April.
He then took a train of mules from Port Orford to Camp
Castaway over the trail opened in January, and which was
found to be a most trying one, consuming four days in the
fifty miles of travel.

Miller proceeded to the Urnpqua, where he found the
schooner Nassau, which he chartered, and brought round
to Coos bay, this being the first vessel to enter this harbor.
The brig Fawn soon after arrived at the Umpqua with
wagons for the quartermaster s department, and the mules
were sent to haul them down the beach to Camp Casta
way, where they were loaded with the shipwrecked cargo,
which was thus transported across some miles of sand
dunes to Coos bay and taken on board the Nassau for Port
Orford, where they arrived May twentieth. Such were
some of the difficulties of Indian warfare in this wild
region of perilous coast, rough and steep hills, forests and
morasses, interspersed with spots of Eden-like beauty.

It is only necessary to add to this picture of the situa
tion that no road to the valley was yet opened. But, on
finding that dragoons could be of no service in the Co-
quille county, Casey detached Stanton from his command
to escort Lieutenant Williamson of the topographical en
gineers in the winter of 1851-52, while exploring for a
practicable route; and in the autumn of the latter year
one was surveyed out and opened. In the meantime, Fort
Orford was garrisoned by twelve dragoons under Lieuten
ant Stanton and twenty artillerymen under Lieutenant
Wyman, neither of any use in pursuing Indians in the

292 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

coast mountains, had their numbers been sufficient; and
utterly useless to protect miners or settlers in the interior.

A more intimate acquaintance had not led to a feeling
of confidence between the white and red races in southern
Oregon. The conditions of Indian warfare here were
somewhat different from those of the Cayuse war. Less
intelligent than the Cayuses, they were not less brave.
Having nothing of their own, they were the more covetous
of the possessions of others. Lacking a knowledge of any
law, human or divine, except the law implanted by nature
in the beginning of people "an eye for an eye, and a
tooth for a tooth," they were quick to find offenses and
ready to avenge them. Without feeling under moral
obligations to keep faith with others, they were ready to
resent any appearance of duplicity in the superior race, of
whom they were unavoidably jealous. On the other hand,
the human nature in white men was apt to come to the
surface after a few losses of property, or of friends, or
both. Therefore, the peace which had been purchased
with presents by agent Skinner in the autumn of 1851
was not lasting.

The Shasta and Rogue-river Indians were one nation,
divided under several chiefs, whose followers ranged
certain districts. For instance, Tolo was the head of the
band living in the country about Yreka; Scarface and
Bill in Shasta valley ; John in Scott valley, arid Sam and
Jo in Rogue-river valley, John s father having once been
head chief over all. There were besides these, two chiefs
living at the foot of the Siskiyous, on the north side,
namely, Tipso, or the "Hairy," from his having a heavily
bearded face, and Sullix, the " Bad Tempered." Both of
these chiefs were very hostile to white men, and even
fought other bands of their own nation.

Troubles began on the north side of Rogue river by the
robbery of a citizen of the Wallamet valley in the Grave
creek hills. Then came an attack on a party of five pros-

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 293

pectors led by James Coy, at the mouth of Josephine
creek in the Illinois valley. One man&gt;scaped from camp,
and fled to Jacksonville for aid, while the remaining four
defended a slight fortification for two days, or until a party
of thirty-five miners came to their relief. These pros
pectors had discovered the remains of recently murdered
men before they were attacked. This was in April.

On the eighth of April, Calvin Woodman was murdered
by Scarface, on a tributary of the Klamath. The miners
and settlers of Shasta and Scott valleys arrested John, the
head chief, and demanded the surrender of Scarface, and
of Bill as accessory, but John refused and escaped. The
miners then organized, and in a fight with the Indians
which ensued, the sheriff was wounded and several horses
killed. This collision did not tend to mend matters, and
the Indians commenced moving their families to the
mountains on Salmon river, in preparation for hostilities.

At this critical juncture, Mr. Elisha Steele, who was well
known to the Indians, and had, like Lane, a remarkable
ability to gain their confidence, so much so that they
called him "Jo Lane s Brother," happened to arrive from
Yreka at Johnson s rancho, in Scott valley, where he found
a company of miners from Scott bar, who had been unsuc
cessfully pursuing the murderers of Woodman.

Concerned for the safety of Johnson s family should the
Indians break out into general warfare, Steele collected
the Indians in Scott valley, and held a council with Tolo,
his son Philip, and John, with three of his brothers, one
of whom was known as Jim. These professed to desire
peace, and offered to accompany Steele in search of the
murderers. A party was made up, namely, Steele, John
McLeod, James Bruce, James White, John Galvin, Peter
Snellback, and a lad called Harry. These were joined at
Shasta canon by J. D. Cook, F. W. Merritt, L. S. Thomp
son, and Ben Wright, who acted as interpreter.

Proceeding to Yreka to procure the necessary order for
the arrest of Scarface and Bill, Steele had some difficulty

294 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

to prevent the citizens from executing vengeance on the
the Indians with him; but having obtained the papers
required, finally led his party safely away. A two days
march brought them to the stronghold of the criminals,
who had prepared for just such a visit as this by fleeing to
the jurisdiction of Sam on Rogue river, Sam having
already declared war.

The casus belli of this chief combined two accusations
against Dr. Ambrose, a settler; first, that the doctor had
taken the land which he habitually occupied with his
people for a winter residence; and, second, that the doctor
refused to betroth his infant daughter to Sam s infant son.

On learning these facts, Tolo, Philip, and Jim withdrew
from Steele s party, but substituted two young warriors,
who were pledged either to find the murderers or to suffer
in their stead. The company then divided, a party under
Ben Wright going to the mines on the Klamath river, and
Steele to Rogue river. He received confirmation of the
war rumor while crossing the Siskiyou from two of Sam s
warriors whom the party captured, one of whom was shot
in attempting to escape, under the following circumstances :
When rumors of murder and Sam s declaration of war
reached Jacksonville, a company of seventy-five or eighty
men was organized under John K. Lamerick, captain. On
hearing of this the agent, Skinner, hastened to remon
strate, and obtained a promise from the volunteers that
time should be given him to hold a parley with the
Indians. A committee of four was appointed to accom
pany the agent, who found Sam at his encampment on
Big bar, two miles from the house of Dr. Ambrose, and
near the site of Camp Stuart. He made no objection to
meet Skinner, and declared himself for peace, but proposed
to send for Jo and his band, who could not arrive before
the morrow. To this proposition Skinner and the com
mittee agreed.

Before the meeting took place, Steele arrived at Jackson
ville to demand of Sam the surrender of Scarface and Bill ;

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 295

and Skinner agreed to make the delivery of the criminals
one of the conditions of peace, but confessed that the sit
uation was critical. At the time appointed, Skinner and
Steele, with their respective parties, and the volunteers
under Lamerick, repaired to Big bar, where they found
the Indians as agreed. A message was sent to Sam by
one of Steele s Shastas, asking him to meet the white men
on their side of the river, bringing with him Jo and a body
guard of a few warriors, with which request he complied
after some parleying; but on seeing the volunteers mounted
and drawn up in line, hesitated to meet them. Skinner,
to reassure him, ordered the volunteers to dismount and
stack arms, which was done.

Now ensued a conflict of judgment between Skinner,
who was an authorized agent on his own ground, and
Steele, who held no commission, and who was there to
arrest Indians belonging on the south side of the Siskiyou.
The Shasta, whom Steele had sent to Sam s camp, reported
that the murderers were there, and Steele demanded their
immediate arrest. But Skinner, fearing to bring on a bat
tle, opposed it. Sam also refused to negotiate until the
two Rogue-rivers captured by Steele on the mountains
were released. An altercation then took place between
the principals in the council. Skinner, at last addressing
the prisoners, informed them that he was their white chief,
and that he restored them to liberty. Steele, on the other
hand, warned them if they accepted liberty and attempted
to escape they would be shot, and stationed his men so as
to form a guard, and to prevent a rescue, should a surprise
be planned by the Indians.

As the council proceeded, a hundred armed Indians
crossed the river, moving about freely among the unarmed
white men, which caused the volunteers to resume their
weapons. The council under these circumstances could
only be a failure. Sam had never meant to enter into a
treaty which should be binding on him ; Steele was justi
fied, in his own view, in holding as hostages the two Rogue-

296 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON.

rivers until the murderers were surrendered; and Skinner
being a peace man, whose duty it was to prevent war, was
forced to make concessions which in the end might be
damaging to his own cause; and finally Sam declared
that the murderers would not be given up.

Pretending that he wished to consult with some of his
people, the chief obtained leave to withdraw from the
council and recross the river. Once on the further shore
he shouted back his defiance and refused to return. The
volunteer force then divided, half, under Lamerick, going
to a ford above, and the other part going below Big bar,
prepared to cross and attack Sam s camp should any hos
tile demonstrations be made on the council ground, where
Steele s party with Skinner and the crowd of Indians re
mained.

Skinner, fearing an outbreak and anxious to prevent it,
followed the chief to the north side of the river, about half
the Indians on the council ground also returning. Steele,
becoming alarmed for the agent s safety, then placed a
guard at the crossing to detain those still on the south
side from rejoining their fellows, and sent one of his
Shastas to warn him; and although Skinner was aware
that the messenger could point out to him the guilty
Indians, he would not allow him to do it, fearing the
movement would precipitate bloodshed.

The agent had only just reached camp when it was re
ported that Scarface with two others were seen fleeing in
the direction of Klamath, and a commotion arose which
alarmed the Indians and caused them to seek the cover
of a piece of woodland in the vicinity as if for a skirmish.
Alarmed in their turn, Steele s party hastened to a position
to intercept them, and an encounter appeared imminent,
when Martin Angell, a settler, formerly of the Wallamet
valley, where he was well known and respected, proposed
to the Indians thus situated, numbering about fifty, to lay
down their arms and take shelter in a log house in the
vicinity, where they should be kept as hostages until the

THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 297

murderers were given up to be tried. They assented, but
as soon as they had filed past Steele s party they made a
dash to gain the cover of the woods. To allow them this
advantage would be to expose themselves to a fire they
could not return, and with only an instant s delay the
order was given to attack.

The tocsin of war had now sounded. The Indians were
well armed and ready for a fight, and the white men were
determined, if fight they must, to conquer. When Lame-
rick s company heard the firing they were still at the
fords, some distance away. Leaving a minority of his
men to guard the crossing of the river, Lamerick rode up
the valley to warn the settlers, going first to the house of
Dr. Ambrose, which he feared would be attacked.

The battle was of short duration. The Indians made a
charge with the design of liberating Steele s prisoners,
who ran towards the river. One was shot before he reached
the river, and the other as he climbed up the opposite
bank. Sam then sent a detachment of his warriors to the
south side to cut off Steele ; but they were surprised by
one from the volunteers, and several shot as they sprang
into the water, the reports varying from four to sixteen,
according to the motive of the narrator, as well as his
greater or less knowledge of events. Only one white man
was wounded, and he slightly. In the fighting Skinner
had taken no part, but had retired to his residence^ which
he proceeded to fortify. This skirmish occurred July
nineteenth.

News was received in the evening that during the coun
cil a party of Sam s people had gone to a bar down the
river and murdered a small company of miners. Lame-
rick at once prepared to cross the river and take up a
position in the pass between Table Rock and the river,
while Steele moved further up to turn the Indians back
on Larnerick s force in the morning. The movement was
entirely successful, the Indians being surrounded, and the
chief compelled to sue for peace, offering to accept the

298 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

terms proposed the day before, namely, to surrender the
murderers.

Agent Skinner was notified, and a council arranged for
the following day. In the conference it was shown that
Scarface had not been with Sam, but that the person mis
taken for him was Sullix of Tipso s band, who also had a
countenance made hideous with scars, and that the real
Scarface was hiding in the Salmon-river mountains. He
was ultimately arrested and hanged at Yreka. 10 As for
Sullix, he had received a severe wound in the fight of the
nineteenth, and was now more ugly than before.

The treaty which Skinner ultimately was able to make
with Sam and his people, required the Rogue-rivers,
among other things, to hold no communication with the
Shastas. It is doubtful if this part of the treaty was very
strictly kept, but to keep it in part tended to the preven
tion of mischief. An occasional present of a fat ox also
contributed to the general peace of the community, and
was easier for the agent than treaty making at the muzzle
of a gun. The number of murders committed b} T In
dians of the Rogue-river bands in 1852 were only about
half those of the previous year, say eighteen that were
certainly known, and a few others suspected.

In all the councils with the Indians they had been told
that the United States government would ratify the treaties
made, and pay for their lands in property, instruction, pro
tection, and money. What was then the mortification and
anxiety of these servants of the people when the superin
tendent of Indian affairs, soon after the treaty with the
Rogue-rivers, received notice that all the treaties nego
tiated in Oregon had been ordered to lie upon the table in
the senate, and was instructed to enter into no more, ex
cept such as were imperatively required to preserve peace.
The government wanted time to define its policy. Dart,
in December, sent in his resignation to take effect the fol
lowing June.

10 The expenses of Steele s expedition were two thousand two hundred dollars,
which amount was borne by the party, and never reimbursed.

THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 299

Early in 1852, Lane, as delegate to congress, was doing-
all that he could to secure military protection for the im
migration to Oregon. Pie was met with the reply that his
predecessor, Thurston, had declared the mounted rifle
regiment unnecessary; and had combated the idea with
statements and arguments founded upon the changed con
dition of the country, but especially upon the helplessness
of immigrants hundreds of miles from any military post,
and burdened with the care of families and property.
His eloquence was strengthened by the citation of the
outrages of 1851 on the Snake river plains.

The immigration of 1852 by this route was very large
and well equipped, and perhaps for this reason was
suffered to pass with less bloodshed than might have been
anticipated, though there was much annoyance from pil-
ferings, and horse stealing. But the immigration by the
southern route was less favored. This road ran through
the lake country, where, in 1843, Fremont s camp was
attacked, and where Captain W. H. Warner in 1849 was
murdered while surveying for a Pacific railroad. Parties
traveling through this region were compelled to exercise
extreme care, particularly at a pass now known as Bloody
Point, where the road ran between an overhanging cliff
and the waters of Tule lake. The immigration of 1851
had been attacked at this place, but from the fact that
these Indians had not yet learned to expect an annual
transit of white people through their country, they were
not prepared for the work of robbery and murder which
was accomplished in 1852, when between sixty and one
hundred men, women, and children died at their hands,
and a large amount of property was stolen or destroyed.

It will be remembered that Ben Wright left Steele s
party en route to Jacksonville to go to the Klamath, pre
sumably to Yreka. On arriving there he met a party of
sixty male immigrants, the advance of the larger number
on the road, who reported that they had not been molested,
but that there were many companies on the road, some of

300 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON.

them with families, and that the Indians were burning
signal fires on the mountains, which boded no good to
travelers.

On this report, Charles McDermit of Yreka raised a
company of between thirty and forty volunteers, to meet
and escort immigrant parties over the most dangerous
portion of the road through the Modoc country. At Tule
lake the volunteers met another company of male immi
grants, going to Yreka and with them sent back two men,
named Smith and Toland, to act as guides and guards.
This party was attacked, and Smith and Toland wounded,
but the discharge of a rifle happening to take off the top
of an Indian s head, so excited the savages for a few
moments that the white men made their escape.

The next party to reach the Tule lake portion of the
road was led by J. C. Tolman, who has since been a candi
date for governor of Oregon. It consisted of about twenty
poorly armed men, five of them with families, and ten
wagons. They found McDermit s company on the west
shore of Goose lake, and were warned of the danger ahead,
two of the volunteers accompanying them as guides. On
coming to the high hill one mile east of the south end of
Tule lake on the nineteenth of August, no Indians being
in sight, the guides, having in mind James Bridger s
caution, " When there are no Indians in sight, then look
out," decided to avoid a probable ambush by taking a
northerly course across a sagebrush flat. The women and
children were placed in the wagons, and the covers fast
ened down to hide them from view, while the few fire
arms were made ready for use.

In this manner the company had nearly reached the
open valley when the yells of Indians in pursuit discov
ered to them that spies had betrayed them to those in
concealment. By making all the speed possible, open
ground was reached just as a shower of arrows whizzed
through the air; but on seeing several rifles leveled upon
them, the Modocs were intimidated and withdrew to the

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 301

shelter of the rocks, appearing again on a high ridge, ges
ticulating and uttering demoniacal cries expressive of
their rage and disappointment.

Seeing that they were working themselves up to a fight
ing pitch, and would probably attack at some other point,
it was thought best to return and hold a talk. Acting on
this plan, the wagons were corraled, and Tolman with a
half a dozen others, making a great show of arms, went
back to within speaking distance, and challenged them
through one of the guides who could speak the jargon, to
come and fight. Like all people who practice treachery
they feared it, and not knowing what might be inside the
wagon covers declined; but the head chief proposed to
meet the interpreter unarmed and talk with him.

While the interview was progressing at a safe distance
apart of the interlocutors, it was observed by Mr. Tolman
that every now and then a Modoc had tied his bow to his
toe, secreted his arrows, and pretending to be disarmed,
joined the chief. The interpreter, on being warned, ordered
the Indians sent back, and the chief seeing no opportunity
for obtaining an advantage, agreed to return whence he
came, and leave the party to pursue its way unmolested.
It had not proceeded far, however, before it discovered a
reserve of Indians mounted, who had been placed where
they could intercept any persons escaping from the narrow
pass along Tule lake. Finding themselves outwitted, they
also retired, hoping for better luck next time. Camp was
made that night fifteen miles from Tule lake, and a severe
cold rainstorm prevented a night attack, which, being
reserved till the morning, was averted by a very early
start of the train.

On the twenty-third of August, at nine o clock in the
evening, Tolman s camp was visited by a man on a poor
and jaded horse, whose condition excited the utmost pity
in all hearts. He had to be lifted from his horse and fed
and nursed back to life before he could give any account
of himself. It then appeared that he belonged to a party

302 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

of eight men who had been surprised by the Modocs, and
all killed except himself. His horse being shot, he sprang
upon another, which ran with him, carrying him until it
fell exhausted, several miles up the valley of Lost river.
From here the man, whose mind was evidently unsettled
by the shock he had received, wandered to Klamath lake,
but seeing an Indian turned back, and the next day dis
covered his horse feeding, which he remounted and rode,
without getting down, for three days, and until he came
to Tolman s camp. He had eaten nothing, but had tied
up a handful of rosebuds in his handkerchief, as he " ex
pected to be out all winter, and should need them." This
demented creature was taken by the company to Yreka,
where his story, in connection with the report of Tolman
and the guides, of the dangers of the Modoc country, led
to the organization of a second company of volunteers.

A meeting was called on the evening of the twenty-
fourth of August, at which means to put the men in the
field was subscribed by the citizens and miners, and Ben
Wright was chosen captain. He was at that time mining
on Cotton wood creek, twenty miles distant, but by daylight
was in Yreka, surrounded by men eager alike to prevent
carnage, or to avenge it by spending more blood. A
peculiar enthusiasm was imparted to volunteering by the
fact that Tolman s train was the first to arrive with women
and children, the homeless miners having their minds
harrowed by the suggestion of what might have been the
fate of these but for the warning and guidance given by
McDermit s company, and what might, even after all,
befall others on some part of the route.

Three days were consumed in getting together the equip
ment of men and horses, with provision wagons, and every
thing necessary; and on the sixth day after the meeting in
Yreka, Wright reached Tule lake just in time to rescue a
train that was surrounded and fighting the Modocs, two
men being wounded. The sight of Wright s company
advancing sent the savages into places of concealment

THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 303

among the tules, and on an island in the lake, and equally
alarmed the immigrants, who mistook them for mounted
Indians, and prepared for a yet more desperate encounter.
But their fears were changed to joy when Wright, discov
ering their alarm, rode forward alone. This train was
escorted beyond danger, and the company returned to
learn what had taken place in the Modoc country.

Wright found the mutilated bodies of the eight men
before mentioned, with those of three of his acquaintances,
members of McDermit s company, who had been sent to
guide trains, and conclusive evidences that no party or
train had escaped destruction which had entered the fatal
pass of Bloody Point since the nineteenth.

Filled with ra^e and grief, Wright and his men made
haste to attack the Indians in their stronghold. To do
this they had to wade in water among the tules that was
up to their armpits, and fight the Modocs concealed in am
buscades constructed of tules, having portholes. Suph was
the vigor of their charge, however, that the ambuscades
were quickly depopulated, and thirty or more Modocs
killed while escaping to the rocky island in the lake.

After this battle, Wright proceeded east to Clear lake,
where he met a large party of immigrants and planned a
stratagem to draw the Indians out of their strong position
on the island. He unloaded several ox wagons, filled them
with armed men, a few of whom were clothed in women s
apparel, tied down the wagon covers and instructed the
men to proceed in the usual careless and loitering way of
true immigrants along the dangerous pass. But the In
dians either had out spies who reported the trick, or were
too severely punished to feel like attacking white men,
and remained in their fastnesses.

Wright then went to Yreka and had boats built with
which to reach the island, spending the time of waiting in
patroling the road through the Modoc country. In the
meantime, accounts of the massacres had reached Jackson
ville, and another company, commanded by John E. Ross

304 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

of that place, proceeded to the Modoc country, where it re
mained on the road until the season of travel was past.
On the arrival of Ross, Wright returned to Yreka for sup
plies, and to bring out his boats. But he was unable to
reach the Indians, who retreated to the lava beds, since
made famous by the Modoc war, inaccessible then, as now,
to white men.

That which Wright did find were the proofs that many,
very many, persons, including women and children, had
been cruelly tortured and butchered. Here again the
men of his company, some of whom had families two or
three thousand miles away, burst forth into tears of rage
at the sight of women s dresses and babies socks among
the property plundered from the owners. Where, now,
were the men and women who had toiled over these thou
sands of miles to meet their fate at this place? Where
the prattling babes whose innocent feet fitted the tiny
socks? Even their bones were undiscoverable, but the
proofs that they had lived and died were heaped up in
the wickiups of their cruel slayers.

The next attempt of Wright, who seems to have remained
behind the other companies, was to make a treaty with
the Modocs. However much he may have desired to have
seen them exterminated, or even to have helped extermi
nate them, the safety of all who passed through their
country demanded that peace should be secured. From
two captured, one of whom was wrapped in a cradle
quilt, he learned that two white women were captives
among the Modocs, and for this reason also he felt it
necessary to enter into negotiations with them.

Wright, like Lane, had for a servant an Indian boy,
who was part Modoc, and spoke their language. Using
this boy as an ambassador, he finally persuaded four of
the head men to visit his camp, with the purpose of dis
cussing the terms of a treaty, his proposition being that
if they would bring in the two captives, and the stock
taken from the immigrants, he would leave their country

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 305

and trouble them no more; or, if they wished, he would
trade with them for their furs and feathers. To this the
chiefs gave their assent, and while one was sent to fetch
the women and the property, the other three were detained
as hostages. Wright s company had by this time dwindled
to eighteen men. When the chief returned to his camp,
instead of bringing with him the captive women and the
stolen stock, he brought only a few broken down horses
and a shotgun ; but he was accompanied by forty-five war
riors. When remonstrated with for this violation of his
pledge, he replied that Wright had required three hos
tages, and now, his men greatly outnumbering Wright s he
should hold him and his company as hostages for the good
conduct of the white people. The place where Wright was
encamped was near the stone ford of Lost river, on the
north side, the Modocs encamping on the same side. The
situation was critical, it being plain that a net was spread
for him which would surely close about him unless he met
the danger with a desperate measure. The order issued
for the night was for six men at midnight to silently cross
the ford, a natural bridge at this season of the year,
and hide themselves in the artemisia which covered the
plain. At the firing of a signal gun in the dawning they
were to attack simultaneously the Indians who lay between
them. The order was scrupulously obeyed, the men rush
ing upon the surprised Indians at the crack of Wright s
gun, finishing the fight with their pistols. In twenty
minutes the battle was over, and forty Indians lay slain.
Wright had four men wounded, who were carried on litters
made of guns lashed together fifteen miles, and an express
sent to Yreka for aid. On the return of the company to
that place thin, sun-browned, and nearly naked they
were received with bonfires and banquets. The only re
gret felt was that the two captive women were left to the
fiendish cruelty which no one doubted would end their
lives before they could be rescued. As a matter of fact,
they never were seen alive, but years after their bleaching

306 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

bones were pointed out by the Indians to curious investi
gators of Indian history. Wright seems to have had ene
mies or rivals who strove to dim his popularity by a story
of poisoning the Indians invited to a council. The tale
had little to recommend it to belief had it never been de
nied by the most prominent citizens of Yreka, who were
members of his company. It was seized upon by the reg
ular army and reported by General Wool as a fact, the
stigma of which is hardly yet removed from his name.
Yet the story disproves itself, for he is represented as pur
chasing the strychnine for a feast to the Indians at the
time he was in Yreka with the purpose of procuring boats
to pursue them into their hiding places with arms. It was
long after the failure of this attempt that a council was pro
posed with a specific purpose as above related, and although
beef was given the Indians, as is the custom of treaty mak
ers, it was the same as that eaten by the company, if we
may trust the word of honorable men who were partakers. 11

Says Tolman, who was well informed concerning these
events, " If the Modocs had not been confident of getting
the advantage, they would never have left their cave."
He further says that Wright s boy had betrayed him, and
the Modocs had come prepared to fight, and that had he
wavered for a moment his own life and that of all his
company would have paid for his indecision.

Oregon had been organized into a territory of the United
States for over four years, and was still fighting her own
battles. But in September of this year there arrived at
Vancouver the skeleton of the fourth United States infantry,
consisting of two hundred and sixty-eight men, rank and
file, under Lieutenant-Colonel Bonneville. The regiment
had been decimated by sickness on the Isthmus, and was
still unfit for service had not the season been too late to do
more than arrange their quarters for the winter. The fol
lowing chapter will show the value of their arms.

11 Says E. P. Jenner in the Yreka Journal: I deny emphatically that any were
killed in any other way than by powder and lead, which John C. Burgess, John S.
Hallick, and William Penning, old members of Wright s company, now in Siskiyou,
will testify to.

OHAPTEE II.

WEAKNESS OF TREATY OBLIGATIONS RENEWAL OK HOSTILITIES IN ROGUE-RIVER
VALLEY ABSENCE OF AUTHORIZED AGENTS THE AUGUST OUTBREAK PETITION
TO THE COMMANDER OF FORT JONES AID FROM FORT VANCOUVER, AND A VOL
UNTEER COMPANY FROM THE WALLAMET ALDEN TAKES COMMAND VOLUNTEERS
FROM YREKA JOIN THE REGULARS FORCES ORGANIZED SKIRMISH ON EVANS
CREEK, AND DEATH OF LIEUTENANT ELY WITH Six MEN LANE APPEARS ON
THE SCENE Is OFFERED THE COMMAND TAKES IT ALDEN AND LANE WOUNDED

CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES ARRANGEMENTS FOR A TREATY ITS TERMS THE
INDIANS GO UPON A RESERVATION, WITH S. H. CULVER, AGENT TROUBLES IN
OTHER LOCALITIES Loss OF LIFE AND PROPERTY IN 1853 MURDERS IN 1854 BY
THE SHASTAS THEY GO UNPUNISHED TROUBLES WITH THE COQUILLES THEIR
PUNISHMENT BY VOLUNTEERS THE MURDERS OF THE YEAR ATTITUDE OF GEN
ERAL WOOL TOWARDS CIVILIANS THE "EXPEDITION TO FIGHT THE IMMIGRANTS "

THE WARD MASSACRE HALLER S EXPEDITION TO BOISE CURRY S ACTION
PROCLAMATION WITHDRAWN.

THERE could hardly have been any reliance placed upon
the durability of the treaty made with chief Sam. Skinner
was unable to perform what was expected of him as a rep
resentative of the government, not being supplied with tlie
means; and Sam was but an unwilling party to it from
the beginning. So far as the chief was individually con
cerned, however, he, for the greater part of a year, observed
the conditions imposed upon him by the treaty.

But a sub-chief, called Taylor, who had his range in the
Grave creek country, murdered a party of seven men,
during a severe storm in the hills, and reported them
drowned. Other depredations were traced to him, and a
rumor became current that the Rogue-rivers held white
women captive at Table Rock. This rumor probably
grew out of the story, already referred to, that the Modocs
held captive two white girls for some time, whom they
finally tortured to death. The imagination of the public,
excited by the atrocities in the Modoc country, was sensitive
to any suggestion of Indian malevolence, and the desire
for vengeance was ill suppressed, ready to break out into
action at any moment. Finally, about the first of June, a

(307)

308 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

party from Jacksonville arrested Taylor, with three others,
and hanged them ; after which they proceeded to Table
Rock, and not finding the captive women, attacked a
village, killing six Indians.

There was at this time neither Indian agent nor military
officer in Rogue-river valley to prevent the outrages of one
race upon the other. Dart had been superseded in the
superintendency by Joel Palmer, who had not yet supplied
the place of agent Skinner, resigned. The nearest troops
were at Fort Orford on the coast and Fort Jones in Scott
valley. A new administration had come in, Lane having
returned to Oregon with the commission of governor, only
to be reflected delegate, leaving the secretary, George L.
Curry, acting governor, and Lane at liberty to reside, as
he preferred to do when in Oregon, at Roseburg in the
Umpqua valley.

This was the condition of affairs when, early in August,
the settlements in Rogue-river valley were suddenly at
tacked. On the fourth, Richard Edwards was killed at his
home on Stuart s creek; on the fifth, Thomas J. Wills and
Rhodes Noland were killed, and Burrill F. Griffin and one
Davis wounded. Hastily formed volunteer companies pa
trolled the roads and warned settlers, who gathered their
families into a few fortified houses, and setting over them
a guard, joined the volunteers.

On the seventh of August two Shasta Indians were cap
tured, one on Applegate creek and the other on Jackson
creek. Both were in war paint, and on investigation were
proved guilty of the murder of Wills and Noland, for
which they were hung at Jacksonville. Not satisfied with
this act of justice, an Indian lad who had nothing what
ever to do with the murders, was seized and hung by the
infuriated miners. So great was the excitement that it
was dangerous for a man to suggest mercy.

Acts of this nature were not calculated to lessen hostili
ties on the other side, and the torch was applied to the
abandoned houses of the settlers. Ten homes in as many

THE EOGUE EIVER WAE8. 309

miles were thus laid waste. On the day of the hanging,
Isaac Hill and a party of volunteers from Ashland at
tacked some roving Indians a few miles from that place,
killing six. Ten days later the Indians attacked an im
migrant camp at Ashland, and killed Hugh Smith and
John Gibbs, wounding M. B. Morris, William Hodgkins,
A. G. Lordyce, and Brice Whitmore. On the fourteenth,
Dr. William R. Rose and John R. Hardin, members of a
volunteer organization, while patrolling the line of travel
towards the north, with W. G. T Vault, S. S. Wall, and
David Birdseye. were shot at from ambush, Rose killed,
and Hardin mortally wounded. Says L. J. C. Duncan:
" The outraged populace began to slaughter right and left,"
after these events.

Immediately after the outbreak, and while these events
were in progress, a petition was addressed to Captain Alden,
in command of Fort Jones, asking for arms and ammuni
tion, who at once responded by coming in person with
about a dozen men. On the fifteenth, a request was sent
to Governor Curry at Salem, to make a requisition on Col
onel Bonneville at Vancouver, for a howitzer, rifles, and
ammunition, which were immediately forwarded in charge
of Lieutenant Kautz and six artillerymen, escorted by forty
volunteers under J. W. Nesmith, captain, and officered by
L. F. Grover, first lieutenant; W. K. Beale, second lieuten
ant; J. D. McCurdy, surgeon; and J. M. Crooks, orderly
sergeant.

Over two hundred volunteers were enrolled in Rogue-
river valley. John F. Miller was elected captain of the
first company; B. B. Griffin, first lieutenant; Abel George,
second lieutenant; and Clay Westfelt, orderly sergeant.
This company numbered one hundred and fifteen men.
Two other companies, under Captains John K. Lamerick
and T. T. Tierney, were organized about the same time,
while from Yreka came eighty fighting men under Cap
tains Goodall and Rhodes. These all reported to Captain
Alden, who assumed the command. No provision had

310 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

been made for the subsistence of so many men, and Alden
appointed George Dart, Edward Shell, L. A. Loomis. and
Eichard Dugan a military commission to constitute a gen
eral department of supply; and learning that the Indians
were in force near Table Rock, planned an attack for the
night of the eleventh. But the volunteers learning that
the Indians were in the valley killing and burning, rushed
away to the defense of their homes without waiting for
orders, and for several days were scouring the country,
divided into small bands, as before mentioned. Before
they came together again, Sam offered battle, which Alden
was compelled to decline. But having recovered his force
he made a movement on the fifteenth to dislodge the In
dians from their supposed hiding place in a canon five
miles north of Table Rock, from which, however, they had
departed before his arrival, firing the woods behind them
to obliterate their trial.

It was not until the seventeenth that Lieutenant Eh r of
the Yreka company, with a detachment of twenty-five
men, discovered the enemy s camp on Evans creek, fifteen
miles from Table Rock. Knowing that the main force
had returned to Camp Stuart for supplies, Ely fell back to
an open piece of ground crossed by creeks, whose banks
were lined with thickets of willow, where he halted and
sent a courier for reinforcements. But Sam, seeing his
opportunity, advanced his warriors through the creek
channels under cover of the wallows, and getting within
range, killed two men at the first fire. The company
retreated to a pine ridge a quarter of a mile distant, but
the Indians soon flanked and surrounded them, and the
fight lasted three and a half hours, during which four
more men were killed and four wounded. At the end of
this time Captain Goodall, with the remainder of the
Yreka company, came up, and the Indians retreated.
The killed in this skirmish were J. Shaw, Frank Perry,
F. Keath, A. Douglas, A. C. Colburn, and L. Locktirg.
The wounded were Lieutenant Ely, John Albin, James
Carroll, and Z. Shultz.

THE ROGUE RIVEE WARS. 311

Lane was at Roseburg when the news of the outbreak
reached him, and set out at once for Rogue river, accom
panied by Pleasant Armstrong of Yamhill county, and
James Cluggage, who had been to the Umpqua valley in
the vain endeavor to enlist the Klickitats against the
Rogue-river Indians, and eleven other men. Immediately
on Lane s arrival, Alden tendered him the command,
which he accepted on the twenty-first, and on the twenty-
second assumed his office in due form. An aggressive
movement was decided upon. W. G. T Vault was ap
pointed his aide, and C. Lewis, a captain of volunteers,
his assistant adjutant-general, but Lewis falling ill, L. F.
Mosher took his place.

The available forces were divided into two battalions,
one consisting of the companies of Captains Goodall and
Rhodes under Colonel Alden, with Lane at their head, to
proceed up the river to where Ely had met with defeat,
there to find the enemy s trail, which was known led in
the direction of Evans creek. The other battalion, under
John E. Ross, was directed to proceed to the mouth of
Evans creek, and thence up that stream to a junction
with Alden, to prevent the Indians from being driven
back on the settlements.

After a day s travel, made exhausting by smoke from
the burning forest, Alden s command came upon the trail
of the enemy and encamped. On the following day, after
another fatiguing march, he again encamped, and had
hardly taken up the line of march on the twenty -fourth,
when Lane, who was in advance, heard the discharge of a
rifle and distinguished voices. Waiting for the companies
to come up, he halted them, and outlined his plan of at
tack, which was that Alden, with Goodall s company,
should quietly proceed on foot along the trail and attack
the Indians in front, while a detachment of ten picked
men from Rhodes command, under Lieutenant Charles
Blair, was to take a ridge to the left to turn the enemy s
flank. Lane would himself wait for the rear guard to
come up, and lead them into action.

312 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

Alden proceeded as directed and with so little noise that
the crack of his rifles was the first intimation the Indians
had of the approach of an enemy. Although surprised,
they made a vigorous resistance from behind fortifications
of logs, being well supplied with arms and ammunition.
Their camp being surrounded by dense thickets, it was
difficult and dangerous to charge them, and from this
cause and the nature of the ground it was impossible for
the flanking party to turn their left as designed, but it
engaged them on the right. After the first fire the volun
teers took cover behind trees and fought in true Indian
style, the battle becoming general.

When Lane arrived on the ground he found Colonel
Alden dangerously wounded, having been shot down early
in the fight. Leaving him to the care of his men, 1 Lane
made an examination of the ground and finding the In
dians securely posted, gave the order to charge, himself
leading the movement. When within thirty yards of
their line, he was struck by a rifle ball in his right arm
near the shoulder. Believing the shot to have come from
the flank, he ordered the line extended so as to prevent its
being turned by the enemy, and the men to again take
cover behind trees, where they fought with cool deter
mination for several hours.

Finding himself growing weak from loss of blood, Lane
had retired to the rear to have his wound dressed. The
Indians, meantime, having discovered his* identity, called
out to the volunteers that they were tired of war, and de
sired to talk with " Jo Lane." On Lane s return to the
front he held a conference with his officers on the subject
of holding a council with the Indians. It was evident
they were well armed, and held a position nearly, if not
quite, impregnable. There were two opinions advocated,
one that the Indians really desired peace, and another
that they were seeking an advantage. The question of
allowing the Indians an opportunity to talk was put to

1 Alden died two years afterwards from the effect of this wound.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 313

vote, every man having a voice in the matter. Less than
half voted for a talk, the others remaining silent. He
then sent Robert B. Metcalf and James Bruce into the
Indian lines to get an expression of their wishes, when
they reiterated their desire to see "Jo Lane."

On entering their camp, Lane found them with many
wounded, and some dead, whom they were burning. Chief
Jo, with his brothers Sam and Jim, assured Lane that
they were sick of war. He outlined to them a plan of
treaty which included the obligation on their part to go
upon a reservation, and they agreed to it. The date fixed
for the treaty council was early in September, and these
affairs being arranged, Lane returned to the place of dis
mounting in the morning, where the wounded were being
cared for, and the dead buried.

The white men killed in this battle were Pleasant
Armstrong, 2 John Scarborough, and Isaac Bradley. The
wounded volunteers were Henry Flasher, Thomas Hayes,
and Charles C. Abbott; the latter dying of his wounds
September second. The Indian loss was eight killed and
twenty wounded.

Ross battalion arrived too late to participate in the
battle of Evans creek, on account of which disappoint
ment they inclined to renew it, but were restrained by
Lane, who went into camp within four hundred yards of
the enemy, where he remained for two days. Impelled by
their personal regard for Lane, who had always been able
to appear to them if not as a friend, at least as a magnan
imous enemy, the Indian women carried water to the
wounded, and the Indian men helped bear them on litters
to camp. Such is the savage nature, one moment governed
by animal rages, and in the next exhibiting fear, timidity,
and even tenderness.

On the twenty-ninth, the Indian and volunteer forces
moved down into the valley, each keeping strict watch

2 Armstrong s remains, it is said, were disinterred and cut to pieces. He was a
brother of the author of Annstrong s Oregon, a descriptive work.

314 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

upon the other. The ground chosen for the council was
on the south side of Rogue river, the Indians making their
encampment on an elevation directly opposite the cliffs of
Table Rock, and Lane in the valley one mile distant, on
the spot where Fort Lane was soon afterwards established.
Although, according to the armistice, peace should have
been restored, there was some further fighting in scattered
localities between independent volunteer companies and
roving bands of Indians. Four days after the battle of
Evans creek, a collision occurred between a detachment of
Captain Owens company, under Lieutenant Thomas Fraz-
zell, and a foraging party of Rogue-rivers at Long s ferry,
about ten miles below the mouth of the creek, in which
Frazzell and a private named James Mango were killed.
After this Owens induced a party of Indians to enter his-
camp on Grave creek, and treacherously shot them; at
least so it is related in a public document. Robert L.
Williams, captain of a volunteer company, was also re
ported to have slain twelve Indians in an unfair fight, in
which he lost one man, Thomas Phillips. 3 Doubtless
many things were done in the exasperation of public
feeling, caused by the interruption of business and loss of
property and friends, which, under any other circum
stances, would have seemed impossible to the actors.
Martin Angell, a highly respected citizen, from his own
door shot an Indian out of pure hatred of the race, which
seemed to him only incarnate evil. He was, long after,
shot from an ambush by one of the hated race; and this
was Indian war. But now there was to be peace.

The time between the battle of Evans creek and the
fourth of September was spent in preparations for the
treaty council, which could not be held until the arrival
of Superintendent Palmer. In the interim, there arrived
Captain A. J. Smith, first United States dragoons, from
Fort Orford, with his troops; Lieutenant Kautz of the

3 United States house executive documents, 99, p. 4, thirty-third congress, first

THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 315

artillery with the howitzer; and J. W. Neswith with his
company of volunteers. The latter bore a commission
from acting Governor Curry, giving Lane what he already
had, the command of the forces in the field.

By that spy system which was in vogue among the
natives, keeping them informed of the movements of
strangers and enemies, the approach of the howitzer be
came known some time before its arrival, and created a
lively apprehension. They described it as a hyas (great)
rifle, which took a hatful of powder to a load, and could
shoot down a tree. Their fear of it was abject, and they
begged not to have it fired. Who shall say how much
influence it had upon the treaty?

On the fourth, a preliminary council was held. When
agreeing to the armistice, Lane had exacted a hostage, and
had been given a son of chief Jo; for the white men were
still few in comparison with the natives, and not many
had any confidence in their professed desire for peace.

The terms of the preliminan 7 council were nearly iden
tical with those agreed to between General Canby and the
Modocs twenty years later, and the outcome might have
been the same but for Lane s precautions. The meeting
place was a mile from the volunteer camp on a butte
within the Indian lines on Evans creek. The white per
sons present were General Lane, his arm in a sling, the
volunteer captains, Colonel Ross, and interpreter Metcalf.
These proceeded on foot to the council, meeting at the
base of the butte an armed guard, which disarmed them
before they reached the place prepared for the conference.
Captain Miller, however, secreted a revolver, of which act
Lane was made aware. Arrived at the council lodge, the
white men were received with a sullen etiquette not easily
translated into cordiality. They were assigned their places,
and the chiefs Jo, Sam, and Jim of the Rogue-river tribes,
with Limpy and George of the Applegate creek families,
seated inside a wall of armed warriors. Notwithstanding
this threatening appearance, the Rogue-river chiefs made

316 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

temperate speeches in favor of peace. But Limpy ad
dressed the council in a torrid burst of savage eloquence
on the aggressiveness of white men, and his determination
not to permit his native country to become alienated to
them. During this inflammatory speech, whose effect
upon others could be perceived, General Lane sat smiling
thoughtfully, but whispered to Captain Miller, "Keep your
eye on that d d scoundrel," which was equivalent to an
order to keep his hand on his pistol. But the hostage of
chief Jo s son was better security against treachery than
the single revolver, and the party came safely out of a
dangerous trap in which they were apparently fatally
enmeshed. These appearances led Lane to require other
hostages before the treaty council appointed for September
eighth took place; and led also to the wearing of arms
by the volunteers who assembled in the vicinity of the In
dian camp, although the high contracting parties were un
armed.

By the terms of the treaty, the United States acquired
the whole of the Rogue-river valley, one hundred square
miles on the north side of the river, in the vicinity of
Table Rock, being reserved for a temporary home for the
Indians. The price agreed upon was sixty thousand dol
lars, fifteen thousand being deducted for indemnity for
losses of property by the settlers through the war. Of the
remaining forty-five thousand, five thousand was to be ex
pended in agricultural implements and goods chosen by
the superintendent, on or before the first day of September,
1854, and in paying for such improvements as had been
made by white settlers on the lands reserved. The re
maining forty thousand was to be paid in sixteen annual
installments, commencing at the above date, and payable
in Indian goods, blankets, stock, and farming utensils.
Each of the chiefs was to have a dwelling-house erected,
at a cost of not more than five hundred dollars, which
houses were to be put up as soon after the ratification of
the treaty as practicable. When the nation was removed

THE EOGUE RIVER WARS. 317

to another and permanent reservation, buildings for the
chiefs were again to be furnished, and fifteen thousand
additional was to be paid to the tribe in five annual in
stallments, commencing at the expiration of the previous
installments.

The treaty bound the Indians to make their permanent
residence in a place to be set apart in the future; to give
up firearms, except a few for hunting; to forfeit their an
nuities if they went to war against the settlers; to notify
the agent of the raids of other tribes and assist in expelling
them; to apply for the redress of their own wrongs to the
agent put over them; to protect such agent, and to refrain
from molesting white persons passing through the reserva
tion. The sacredness of property was to be regarded, and
all crimes by red or white men were to be tried and pun
ished according to the laws of the United States. To pre
vent collisions, white people, except those in the employ
of the government, were forbidden to reside on the reser
vation, and the Indians were required to deliver them up
to the superintendent if they disregarded this prohibition. 5
A treaty was also made with the Cow creek band of Ump-
quas, which through its contact with the Grave creek band
of Rogue-rivers had become troublesome. This band sold
eight hundred square miles, about half of which was good
farming land, for twelve thousand dollars and a few pres
ents.

Two circumstances must be taken into account in pass
ing judgment upon treaty makers; the first, that the price
offered for Indian territory is not dependent upon its ex
tent, but upon its population; and, the second, that to se
cure the ratification of a treaty it should not call for too
large an appropriation. The whole business of Indian
treaties is open to criticism, but this is not the place for
it. The people of Rogue-river valley and. the contiguous

3 The names appended to this treaty were Joel Palmer, superintendent of Indian
affairs; Samuel H. Culver, Indian agent; Asperkahar (Jo), Toquahear ( Sam), Anac-
haharah (Jim), John, and Limpy. The witnesses were Joseph Lane, Augustus V.
Kautz, J. W. Nesmith, K. B. Metcalf, John (interpreter), J. D. Mason, and T. T. Tier-
ney.

318 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

mining territory must have respite from police duty, must
be able to sleep by night, and attend to their affairs by
day; and Palmer doubtless acted upon his best judgment
in securing these blessings to both races.

After the conclusion of the treaties, Samuel 11. Culver
took up his residence as Indian agent on the reservation,
and Captain Smith proceeded to erect Fort Lane, opposite
the lower end of Table Rock, where he went into quarters
with his troop. Business and travel were resumed, and the
inhabitants of the valley enjoyed once more the peace they
craved, breathed freely, and slept soundly. The volunteers
were disbanded, with the exception of Captain John F. Mil
ler s company, which was ordered to the Modoc country to
patrol the southern emigrant road, always a dangerous
one to travelers. Hastily collecting provisions and ammu
nition, Captain Miller proceeded to the lake country, mak
ing his headquarters on Lost river, near tihe natural bridge,
and marching the main part of his command as far east
as Surprise valley and the Humboldt river, keeping upon
the road until the immigration had all passed the points
of danger.

When the volunteers were in the vicinity of Tule lake
they observed smoke rising above the tules, and thinking
it came from fires on inhabited islands in the lake, con
structed boats of wagon beds and went out to explore them,
when they found a number of canoes filled with Modoc
women and children, and containing fireplaces of stone and
mud, at which were cooked the fish on which they subsisted.
On the Indian children was found the blood-stained cloth
ing taken from murdered immigrant children. These
families, hiding from the justly apprehended wrath of
white men, were made to pay the penalty of blood with
out process of law, or the law s delays.

About the middle of October the miners of Illinois val
ley were annoyed by the frequent depredations of the

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 319

coast Indians, who had been driven in upon them fyy
miners on the beach, who had previously suffered from
murder and robbery. It being necessary to punish them,
Lieutenant R. C. W. Radford of Fort Lane, was ordered
to take a few men and chastise these Indians. But rind
ing them too numerous to attack, he sent for reenforce-
ments, which, arriving under Lieutenant Caster on the
twenty-second, pursuit was begun, and after a chase of
three days among the mountains a skirmish took place, in
which about a dozen Indians and two troopers were killed,
and four troopers wounded. Considerable property taken
from the miners was recovered, and a treaty entered into
between the miners and this branch of the Rogue-river
nation, which was observed until January following, when
a party from Sailor diggings in pursuit of unknown rob
bers, by mistake attacked the treaty Indians, some of both
sides being killed. Peace was restored when the Indian
agent appeared and the affair was explained.

According to the report of the secretary of war, the
Indian disturbances in southern Oregon in 1853 cost the
lives of over one hundred white persons, and several hun
dred Indians. In making his estimate the secretary must
have included the northern portion o/ California, which
by reason of the unsettled boundary line was at that time
pretty generally spoken of as being in Oregon. The ex
pense to the general government was said to be seven thou
sand dollars a day, with only from two hundred to five
hundred men in the field; and the hostilities in the short
period of little over a month to have cost a total of two
hundred and fifty-eight thousand dollars.

The loss to settlers, computed by a commission consist
ing of L. F. Grover, A. C. Gibbs, and G. H. Ambrose^
amounted to a little less than forty -six thousand- dollars,
nearly eighteen thousand of which was deducted from the
price paid by the government for the Rogue-river lands to
cover losses and pay for improvements vacated. There
fore it might be said that, after all, the United States

320 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

paid heavily in one way and another for this portion
of Oregon. 4

As to the people whose stock had been killed, whose
houses and fences destroyed, and as to the widows and
fatherless children left by the war, the little indemnity
money to be obtained at the end of congressional deliber
ation and commissioners awards counted as nothing
against their losses. Many of the claimants failed to
receive this pitiful payment, and, in 1872, the balance of
the appropriation for this purpose was illegally turned
back into the treasury, where it remained for ten years
longer before, by the labor of several attorneys and an
order of Secretary Fairchilds, it was placed back to the
credit of the claimants. And then the commissioner of
Indian affairs and the secretary and auditor of the treas
ury, were unable to find the original report of the com
missioners of award, refusing to pass any claim without it,
or without an act of congress. However, at length, through
the persistency of B. F. Dowell of Jacksonville, the origi
nal report was discovered, and the claims all settled thirty
years after the war.

The feeling of security which followed the treaty and
the establishment *of Fort Lane was of short duration.
The Indians having had time to consider the terms of the
treaty in all its parts, were dissatisfied and insolent. On

4 The names of those who received a pro rata of thirty-four and seventy-seven
hundredths per cent out of the fifteen thousand dollars retained from the appropria
tion to carry out the treaty of 1853, were : Martin Angell, John Anderson, James
Abraham, Shertack Abraham, John Agy, Clinton Barney, John Benjamin, David N.
Birdseye, Michael Brennan, Wm. N. Ballard, James Bruce, Cram, Rogers & Co., The-
dosia Cameron, Silas Day, Edward Day, James R. Davis, Dunn & Alluding, Sigmond
Enlinger, Wm. M. Elliott, David Evans, Daniel F. Fisher, Asa G. Fordyce, Thomas
Frazzell, James B. Fryer, Galley & Oliver, John Gheen, Burrill B. Griffin, Sam Grubb,
Hall& Burpee, David Hayhart, John R. Hardin, Obadiah D. Harris, Henry Ham,
Mary Ann Hodgkins, Elias Huntington, Wm. M. Hughes, D. Irwin, Albert B. Jen-
nison, Thomas P. Jewett, Wm. Kohler, Wm. S. King, Nicholas Kohenstein, Nathan
B. Lane, James L. London, John Markley, Robert B. Metcalf, John S. Miller, Tra-
veena McComb, McGreer, Drury & Runnel Is, James Mooney, Francis Nassarett, Win.
Newton, Edith M. Nickel, Hiram Niday, John Patrick, Sylvester Pease, John Penne-
ger, Dan Raymond, Eph. Raymond, John E. Ross, Lewis Rotherend, Frederick Rosen-
stock, Henry Rowland, T. B. Sanderson, Freeman Smith, Pleasant W. Stone, John
Swinden, George H. C. Taylor, James C. Tolman, William Thompson, John Triplett,

THE ROGUE RIVEE WARS. 321

the sixth of October a merchant of Jacksonville, James
C. Kyle, a partner of Thomas Wills, who was murdered
on August fifth, was also killed within two miles of Fort
Lane. Soon after followed the news of the trouble with
the lower Rogue-rivers already mentioned, resulting from
the murder of three white men. Although these Indians
were subdued, there was again awakened a feeling of un
easiness, which was the precursor of further trouble.

The change in the habits of the treaty Indians was fol
lowed by sickness among them, which, being complained
of, the agent allowed them greater liberty. As might have
been foreseen, this liberty was abused, and the discontent
on both sides deepened. The trial, conviction, and execu
tion of the murderers of Edwards and Kyle in January
did not tend to the cultivation of friendly relations. 5

About the eighteenth of January, a party of Rogue-
rivers, Shastas, and Modocs, led by chief Bill, stole the
horses belonging to a mining camp on Cottonwood creek,
driving them into the mountains. A company was has
tily organized to go in pursuit and recover the horses.
When on the trail they were shot at from ambush, and
Hiram Hulan, John Clark, John Oldfield, and Wesley
Mayden were killed.

A messenger was dispatched to Fort Jones, then com
manded by Captain Judah, who set out at once with
twenty men, all his available force, to follow the trail of

Wm. G. F. Vauk, Weller & Rose, Samuel Williams, Charles Williams, Isaac Woolen,
and Jeremiah Yarnell. The settlers who gave up their improvements on the land
reserved were David Evans, Matthew G. Kennedy, John G. Cook, William Hutchin-
son, Charles Gray, Robert B. Metcalf, Jacob Gall, George H. C. Taylor, John M. Silcott,
and James Lesley : Report of Superintendent Palmer, in United States house exe
cutive documents, 52, pp. 3-5, thirty -eighth Congress, second session.

6 The murderers, Indian Tom and Indian George, were indicted and had a fair
trial. Having no counsel, the court appointed D. B. Brennan and P. P. Prim to de
fend them. Agent Culver and Louis Denois acted as interpreters to the court and
jury. The officers of the court were : O. B. McFadden, judge ; S. Sims, prosecuting
attorney; Matthew G. Kennedy, sheriff; and Lycurgus Jackson, clerk. The jury
impaneled were&lt; S. D. Vandyke, Edward McCartie, T. Gregard, A. Davis, Robert
Hasgadine, A. D. Lake, James Hamlin, Samuel Hall, Frederick Alberdine, F. Heber,
and R. Henderson. The sentence of the court was that the convicted Indians should
be hung on the nineteenth of February. The sentence was, however, on account of
the troublesome times, carried out a few days after the trial. These were the only
Indians ever punished for crime by the-authorities in southern Oregon.
21

322 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the Indians, which led him to a cave near the Klamath
river, in which stronghold they had fortified themselves.
In conjunction with a volunteer company under Greiger,
captain, he reconnoitered the position, and finding it too
strong to be taken without artillery, withdrew, and dis
patched Lieutenant Crook and D. Sorrell to Fort Lane to
bring up a mountain howitzer. Several days were occu
pied in this expedition, Captain Smith arriving on the
twenty-sixth with Lieutenant Ogle and fifteen dragoons.
The regular force now amounted to thirty-eight, rank and
file, and the volunteers numbered forty-five. Captain
Judah falling ill, remained in camp with eight regulars
and a few of Greiger s men, and on the twenty-seventh
the attack was made.

The cave occupied by the Indians was in the face of an
almost perpendicular palisade, three hundred feet above
the valley, the approach being in front and easily defended.
Captain Greiger, with seventeen men, took his position on
top, and the remainder of the volunteers, with Lieutenant
Bonnycastle, with his command and the howitzer, were
stationed in front. Owing to the angle at which the
howitzer was fired it had no other effect than to frighten
the Indians, who now cried out for peace, a prayer which
Smith, who knew less about Indian fighting than he did a
year or two later, was quite ready to grant. But to this
the volunteers were unwilling to consent, saying the mur
derers must be punished, and Smith after moving the gun
to a different position fired a few more ineffectual shells.
During the afternoon Greiger was struck by a shot from the
cave and killed, to the great sorrow of his company, for he
was an estimable man and useful citizen.

Night coming on the forces encamped in front of the
cave, and Bill sent three Indian women to ask for a talk,
Captain Smith granting the request, and going to the cave
the following morning with Eddy, a citizen, to hold the
intervi-ew. He found, he says, 6 about fifty Shastas, who

6 United States house executive documents, p. 88, thirty-fifth congress, second
session.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 323

declared that they loved peace and had lived on terms of
friendship with the white people about Yreka and Cotton-
wood, but that the miners at the latter place had ill-treated
their women, for which reason they had left that neigh
borhood. 7 Accepting this apology for theft and murder,
Captain Smith advised Bill to remain in his stronghold
where he would be safe from the volunteers. On learning
Smith s views, and there being no further prospect of
bringing the Indians to justice, the volunteers returned
home with the body of their captain, taking with them
some Indian ponies.

Troubles between the miners on the beaches between
Port Orford and Coos bay and the Coquille Indians broke
out in January, 1854. The following is a copy of the
proceedings of a meeting called on the twenty-seventh
of the month to consider the situation:

At a meeting of the miners and citizens assembled at the Coquille
ferry-house for the purpose of investigating Indian difficulties, the
following resolutions were adopted.

On motion, A. F. Soap was called to the chair, and Win. H.
Packwood appointed secretary.

All persons having observed any hostile movement of the Indians
were called upon to state the facts.

John A. Pension stated that he discovered, on the twenty-third
instant, an Indian riding a horse up and down the beach. He went
over to the Indian village to see whose horse it was. It proved to
be a horse that Mr. Whike had ridden up from Port Orfoid. I ( Pen
sion) took the horse from the Indian and went to the chief. He
attempted to take the trappings off the horse. I would not allow
him to do so, wanting them as proof of his conduct. I expostulated
with them in regard to their conduct. They laughed at me and
ordered me to clatawa.

Mr. Whike, being present, corroborated the above statement.

John A. Pension stated further : On the twenty-fourth instant
there were three men on the other side of the river. I went over
to ferry them across. They asked me the reason why the Indians
wanted to drive them back ( to the mines ), and not let them cross

7 It is undoubtedly true that some men among the miners treated the Indian
women brutally ; but the Indians themselves sold their wives and daughters to them
without shame.

324 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the river. An Indian present seemed to be in a great passion, using
the words u God damn Americans " very frequently.

Mr. Thomas Lowe corroborated the above statement.

Mr. Malcolm stated that yesterday (the twenty-sixth instant)
the Indian chief John shot into a crowd of men standing in front
of the ferry-house at that time.

Mr. Thomas Lowe and Mr. Whike corroborated the above state
ment.

Mr. Whike and Thomas Lowe state that early this morning ( the
twenty-seventh ) they discovered the rope by which the ferryboat
was tied up to be cut in two, having been done in the night of the
twenty-sixth instant. The boat would have been lost had it not
been buoyed out. 8

Mr. George H. Abbott stated : I came here yesterday evening
(the twenty -sixth ), and finding difficulties existing between the
whites and Indians, and having an interpreter with me, I sent for
the chief for the purpose of having an explanation. He returned
for answer that he would neither explain nor be friendly with
the whites on any terms. I sent back the Indian the second time,
insisting on an explanation. He (the chief ) sent back word that he
would not come, nor give any explanation whatever, and that he
would kill every white man that attempted to come to him, or go to
his village; that he intended to kill the men at the ferry and destroy
their houses; that he was going to rid his country of all white men;
that it was no use talking to him, and that if they ( the whites )
would take out his heart and wash it, he would still be the same.

Mr. George H. Abbott, interpreter: Interpretation of the above
corroborated by John Grolouise ( half-breed).

.Resolved, That the Indians in this vicinity are in a state of hos
tility toward the whites from their own acknowledgements and
declarations.

Resolved, That tomorrow morning, the twenty -eighth instant,
as early as possible, we will move upon and attack the Indian vil
lage.

By vote, Geo. H. Abbott is elected captain of this expedition, A.
F. Soap, first lieutenant, and Wm. H. Packwood, second lieutenant.
(Signed.) A. F. SOAP, Chairman.

WM. H. PACKWOOD, Secretary.

Continuing the narrative of the proceedings following
the meeting above reported, the following is an abstract of
Captain Abbott s official report to Governor Davis: The
Indian village (the same where T Vault s party was
attacked in 1850), was situated on both sides of the river,

8 The above-mentioned persons are the ferrymen at the Coquille river.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 325

about one and a half miles from the mouth, one part on
the north, and two on the south side, the huts on the north
side being situated on open ground, and easy of approach,
while those on the south were in the edge of a thicket
connecting with a heavy body of timber.

It was supposed that if the Indians made a stand it
would be at that part of the village occupied by the chief,
namely, the lower division on the south side. Abbott
divided his company into three detachments, Lieutenant
Soap with one being sent to take position on a mound
overlooking the village on the north side; Packwood took
a circuitous route through the woods to a position close to
the upper village on the south side, while Abbott ap
proached the lower portion of it, also by a circuitous route.
At a given signal, the firing of a rifle, a simultaneous
attack was to be made. Except that Packwood did not
get into position before the signal was given, all happened
as had been planned, and before daylight the attack was
made from three points. The Indians were completely
surprised and unable to offer much resistance; some fled
into the woods. Sixteen were killed and four wounded.
Twenty old men, women, and children were captured,
with their stores of provisions, and twelve canoes. Their
huts containing their arms and ammunition were burned.
" The Indians," wrote Abbott to the governor, " were thus
severely chastised without any loss on the part of the
whites, which will undoubtedly have a salutary effect on
all the Indians inhabiting this coast from the Umpqua to
Rogue river."

After the massacre, for it could not be called a battle,
whatever may be said of the necessity for such measures,
Abbott sent three of the captive women to invite the chief
to a peace-talk. He returned for answer that a great
number of his people had been killed, and he was himself
wounded; all he desired was peace, and the friendship of
the white people for the remainder of his band. His heart
he declared was changed, and Abbott was requested to

326 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

send a chief of the Sixes-river band, who was in his camp,
to him, with the assurance that it would be safe to do so,
when he would come and talk, which he did the same
day. A treaty of peace and friendship was entered into,
the volunteers returning to their usual avocations.

The same evening the miners and citizens held another
meeting, Mr. McNamara in the chair, when it was

Resolved, That whereas the Indians have been defeated, come in
and sued for peace, and as they have met with considerable loss of
life and property at our hands, we deem it suitable to return all their
property, and the prisoners we have in our possession.

Resolved, That two copies of the proceedings of the meetings of
the last two days held by the miners and citizens be drawn up for
the purpose of forwarding one copy to the governor of this territory,
and one to the Indian agent at Port Orford.

The Indian agent at Port Orford was S. M. Smith, who
arrived at Coquille ferry on the day following this affair,
in company with Lieutenant Kautz, and who, to quote
from Abbott s report, "made every exertion to get to the
scene of difficulties before hostilities commenced, but was
there only in time to establish a more permanent under
standing with the Indians, which he did in a manner
highly creditable to himself as a public official."

Reading between the lines of this praise of the govern
ment officers, we might discover a purpose to forestall the
efforts of Lieutenant Kautz and the agent, which in the
opinion of the miners, founded on experience, would
amount to nothing.

On the thirtieth of January, in a public meeting at Ran
dolph City, a short distance from Coquille ferry, H. R.
Scott in the chair, and J. B. O Meally, secretary, the fol
lowing proceedings were had :

COQUILLE MINES, O. T., )

RANDOLPH CITY, 30th January, 1854. j

In pursuance with the wishes of the citizens, a public meeting
which was to be held yesterday was adjourned until today, when
the meeting was held at Randolph City, in order to take into con
sideration, and reconsider the resolutions that were passed and
adopted here last Saturday, twenty-eighth instant, as well as the

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 327

resolutions and proceedings passed and adopted at a public meeting
held at Coquille river (the seat of war), which were read at this
meeting today, and were sanctioned and highly approved, relative
to the hostilities evinced by the Indians at Coquille against whites.

Upon the meeting being called to order, H. R. Scott was ap
pointed chairman, and J. B. O Meally, secretary, when the follow
ing resolutions were passed and adopted :

Resolved, Whereas the Indians in this vicinity have been vei*y
troublesome for some time past, i. e., ever since the discovery of the
mines, on account of their many thefts, it being unsafe to leave a
house alone while the inhabitants were absent at work, the Indians
being in the habit of ransacking such houses, taking all the pro
visions and other articles such as they could conveniently secrete,
and becoming more hostile in their movements every day ; and
that the threatening attitude of the Indians a few days since at
Coquille river called for immediate and decisive action ; and, as it
was considered necessary for the safety of the lives and property of
the citizens, that prompt and energetic measures should be taken,

Resolved, That we consider the threatening and menacing aspect
of the Indians at the Coquille river on the twenty-seventh and
twenty -eighth, amounting to a declaration of war on their part.

Resolved, That the prompt and timely action of the citizens and
miners assembled at the Coquille river on the twenty-seventh and
twenty-eighth instants, has struck a decisive blow, which we believe
has quelled at the commencement an Indian war, which might
have lasted for months, causing much bloodshed and expense to
the people in general, and we have also ascertained that a large
quantity of secreted firearms and powder was destroyed in the burn
ing of the Indian villages.

Resolved, That duplicates of the proceedings of this meeting be
drawn up for publication, one copy to be sent to the Indian agent at
Port Orford, and others to be transmitted to the different newspapers
in Oregon and California ; and, it is further

Resolved, That a copy of the resolutions passed and adopted at
the meeting held last Saturday, twenty-eighth instant, at Randolph
City, shall accompany the resolutions passed and adopted here
today.

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are justly due and
hereby given to our fellow-citizens who have behaved so nobly in
suppressing with a small force of volunteers the Indians, on the
twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth instants, at Coquille river, who
had declared war, and from the most authentic information that we
have obtained, after mature investigation, we have every reason to
believe that the Indians were on the eve of commencing an out
break against the whites.

(Signed.) H. R. SCOTT, Chairman.

J. B. O MEALLY, Secretary.

328 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Thus was checked, for the time being, an outbreak in
this direction. Whether or not the presence of troops and
a howitzer in the Rogue-river valley had the effect to
restrain the rising discontent among the Indians, it is
certain that in spite of it there were fewer murders by
them in the summer of 1854 than for three } 7 ears previous.
Edward Phillips, a miner on Applegate creek, was mur
dered in his own house April fifteenth. Daniel Gage was
killed on June fifteenth in the Siskiyou mountains. A
man named McAmy was killed near DeWitt ferry, on the
Klamath river, June twenty-fourth, and Thomas O Neal
about the same time. Some time during the same month,
or a little later, John Crittenden, John Badger, Alexander
Sawyer, and a man named Wood, were murdered by the
Modocs or Pit-river Indians on the southern immigrant
road, at Gravelly ford, in the Humboldt valley; and in
September, a Mr. Stewart of Corvallis, Oregon, was killed
on the same road. On the second of November, Alfred
French, formerly connected with the Chronicle newspaper
at Independence, Missouri, was murdered by Indians near
Crescent City.

The murderers in every case escaped punishment, and
so far as the officers of the regular army stationed in the
country were concerned, were defended rather than chas
tised, owing to a prejudiced and arbitrary sentiment
towards civilians entertained by General Wool, at this
time in command of the division of the Pacific. Whoever
has read his correspondence with Adjutant-General Thomas
must have perceived his strong bias against the people as
distinguished from the army, from governor s down to the
humblest citizen, and his especial dislike of volunteer
organizations. The reports of the officers in command of
posts in Oregon, California, and Washington, were colored
by this feeling exhibited by the general of division, and
their correspondence was too often distorted by their sense
of what was expected of them by their chief.

The murder of the persons named on the southern im-

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 329

migrant road led to the fear that the Modocs might repeat
the wholesale massacres of 1852. In the absence of a
sufficient military force at the posts in Oregon, Governor
Davis had written to General Wool for troops to perform
the service of patrolling the roads both north and south,
by which the immigration entered Oregon, but Wool was
either unable or unwilling to furnish them. He did, how
ever, reenforce Smith s squadron with a detachment of
horse lately under Wright s command, which marched to
Klamath lake and back, reporting no danger from Indians.
The real service was performed for the southern route by
a volunteer force under Jesse Walker, with the approba
tion of acting Governor Curry.

The cost of this expedition, which had no fighting to
do, but which was probably a useful object lesson to the
Indians, was forty-five thousand dollars. Its enemies
named it the " Expedition to fight the immigrants," and
denounced Quartermaster-General C. S. Drew and others
as thieves on account of it. The regular army officers
took up the cry, and declared the expedition unnecessary
and a fraud upon the government, which must foot the
bills. These accusations led to investigation as to the
prices charged by the merchants of Yreka, who furnished
the supplies, whose testimony was corroborated by the
merchants of Jacksonville, showing the current prices
during that year. A mass of evidence was collected at
additional cost, 8 and years of delay in the settlement of
accounts resulted. Forty-five thousand dollars was a large
sum, but an Indian war would have cost more, to say noth
ing of the loss of life; and the people of southern Oregon
considered peace at any price worth all it cost.

But the feeling of white men in Oregon who had lost
friends or property, or both, were not soothed by the
knowledge that General WooJ, in sending a reinforcement
to Fort Lane, had declared it was not to protect the settlers
and miners that troops were needed, but to protect the

8 United States house miscellaneous documents, 47, pp. 32-35, thirty-fifth congress,
second session.

330 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

Indians against white men, and that for this latter pur
pose the force in Oregon should be increased. His request
to the secretary of war for more troops in his department
accompanying such declarations, was as it should have
been refused, and Oregon remained as it had for so many
years been, undefended, except as the people to the best of
their ability took care of themselves.

In his correspondence with the war department, General
Wool expressed the opinion that the immigration to Cali
fornia and Oregon would soon render unnecessary those
posts already established, and declared that if it were left
to his discretion he should abolish them, namely, Forts
Jones, Reading, and Miller in northern California, and
Dalles and Lane in Oregon. In their place he would have
a temporary post on Pit river, another on Puget sound,
and possibly one in the Snake-river country.

Of the inability of immigrants to protect themselves
proof was furnished in the month of August near old Fort
Boise, when a party of Kentuckians, numbering twenty-
one men, women, and children, led by Alexander Ward,
was attacked and massacred, only two boys being left alive,
who were rescued.

The horrors of the Ward massacre called for the imme
diate chastisement of the Indians in the Boise country.
There was at Fort Dalles, the nearest point where a soldier
could be found, only a single company of men, under
Major Granville 0. Haller. With about sixty of these,
and a few citizens who chose to accompany the expedition,
Major Haller took the road to Boise, if only to make a
show on the part of the government, for the information of
the Indians, of its desire and intention to protect its people
and punish their destroyers. On Haller s arrival in the
Snake country, the Indians, well advised of his move
ments, had retired to the mountains where it was too late
to attempt following them, and he could only march back
to The Dalles.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 331

It is not necessary in this place to say more of the Boise
affair than that Haller accomplished the following sum
mer the hanging of the leaders of the massacre, returning
to The Dalles in September, 1855, just in time to take part
in a war nearer his post.

But apropo of the discord between the civil and military
authorities, Governor Curry, on learning that Haller s first
expedition was not likely to accomplish anything, on the
eighteenth of September, 1854, issued a proclamation
calling for two companies of volunteers of sixty men each,
to march to Boise and punish the Indians. These com
panies were to be enlisted for six months, unless sooner
discharged, and to furnish their own horses, equipments,
arms, and ammunition, and choose their own officers, re
porting to Brigadier-General Nesmith on the twenty-fifth.
The governor issued commissions to George K. Sheil as
assistant adjutant-general; to John McCracken as assistant
quartermaster-general; and to Victor Trevitt as commis
sary and quartermaster. But Nesmith, on learning that
Colonel Bonneville of Fort Vancouver had refused a re
quest of the governor for arms and supplies, giving it as
his opinion that a winter campaign was neither necessary
nor practicable, expressed a like opinion, and the call for
for volunteers was withdrawn. Meanwhile, events were
marching on.

CHAPTER III.

SMALL MILITARY FORCE OF THE PACIFIC AFFAIRS OF THE INDIAN SUPERINTENDENCY
THE TREATY OF WALLA WALLA CONDUCT OF THE CHIEFS AT THE COUNCIL
SPEECH OP CAYUSE HEAD CHIEF THE INFLUENCE OF LAWYER OPPOSITION OF
KAMIAKIN TREATY SIGNED RENEWAL OF TROUBLES IN SOUTHERN OREGON-
MURDERS VOLUNTEER COMPANIES AND REGULARS DISAGREE TROUBLES ON THE
COQUILLE MURDER OF TRAVELERS IN ROGUE-RIVER AND UMPQUA VALLEYS THE
LUPTON AFFAIR MASSACRES OF OCTOBER NINTH DEATH OF MRS. WAGONER
BRAVERY OF MRS. HARRIS ARMING OF THE PEOPLE HOSTILITIES GENERAL
THE NINTH REGIMENT BATTLE OF SKULL BAR MORE MURDERS GUARDING
ROADS AND SETTLEMENTS BATTLE OF HUNGRY HILL CONDUCT OF INDIAN AFFAIRS
BY THE SUPERINTENDENT THE GOVERNOR CALLS FOR VOLUNTEERS NINTH REGI
MENT DISBANDED NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN BATTALIONS CONSOLIDATION INTO
THE SECOND REGIMENT OF OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS REGULARS ASSIST THE
TERRITORIAL FORCES ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE "THE MEADOWS" FIGHT OF ALCORN
ON LITTLE BUTTE CREEK FIGHT OF RICE ON ROGUE RIVER BATTLE OF "THE
CABINS" FIGHT ON APPLEGATE CREEK BY BRUCE, O NEAL, AND ALCORN THANK
LESS SERVICE NORTHERN COMPANIES DISCHARGED RECRUITS CALLED FOR.

THE total military force in the department of the Pacific
at the expiration of 1854 was twelve hundred, dragoons,
infantry, and artillery, of which three hundred and
thirty-five were stationed in Oregon and Washington.
But others were under orders for the Pacific coast. The
army bill had failed to pass in Congress, and only through
smuggling a section into the appropriation bill providing
for two more regiments of cavalry and two of infantry, was
any increase in the army made possible. This was accom
plished by the delegation from the Pacific; and it was
further provided that arms should be distributed to the
militia of the territories, according to the act of 1808,
arming the militia of the states. No other or special pro
vision was made for the defense of the northwest territories,
and this was the military situation at the beginning of
1855.

It should be noted before entering upon the recital of
the events of this year that the superintendent of Indian
affairs, Palmer, was able in the month of October preced
ing to assure the tribes with whom he had made treaties

(332)

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 333

that they had been ratified by congress, although with
some amendments to which they gave their assent with
evident reluctance. One of these allowed other tribes to
be placed on their reservation an intrusion which the
jealous nature of the Indian resents with bitterness;
another, consolidated all the Rogue-river tribes in one
an equally offensive measure for the same reason.

Palmer had intended to remove the Indians of the
Wallamet valley east of the Cascades, but found them un
willing to go, and the Indians on the east side of the
mountains unwilling to receive them on account of
their diseased condition. As this was a reasonable ob
jection from a civilized point of view, he gathered them
upon a reservation called the Grand Rond, in the county
of Polk, to the infinite disgust of the settlers in that
district. But Palmer was a man who took his own way
about things, and as he did his work thoroughly, without
pother, those from whom he derived his authority seldom
meddled with him. If he was arbitrary, he was generally
in the right, and it saved a deal of trouble to give him the
management. He had much ado to secure and keep
worthy agents, on account of the small amount allowed
them in salaries so small indeed as to offer an argument
for, as well as an inducement to peculation. He had,
however, at the different agencies such men as Philip F.
Thompson, E. P. Drew, Nathan Olney (who succeeded
Parrish), R. R. Thompson, W. W. Raymond, William J.
Martin, and Robert Metcalf. S. H. Culver was superseded
on the Rogue- river reservation by George H. Ambrose;
and Ben Wright was appointed to the charge of the tribes
on the southern coast.

No treaties, other than the informal and temporary
agreements made by Dr. White under the provisional
government, had ever been made with the tribes of east
ern Oregon or Washington; nor had the subject been ap
proached when 1. 1. Stevens, the newly appointed governor
of Washington crossed the country at the head of an ex-

334 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

pedition surveying for a Pacific railroad route, and had
conferred with several of the tribes on the north side of
the Columbia concerning the sale of their lands. They
had seemed well disposed towards the government and
willing to sell, and Stevens had so reported. On the
strength of this report Stevens and Palmer had been ap
pointed commissioners to make treaties with these tribes,
and money had been appropriated for the purpose.

But in the time which had intervened between Stevens
first appearance among them and the spring of 1855 many
things had occurred to change the friendly feeling then
expressed into one of doubt, if not of fear and hostility.
For there are no greater gossips and newsmongers in the
world than Indians, whose childish imaginations quickly
seize upon any hint of coming events to distort and mag
nify it. They had been alarmed by the rumor of Palmer s
design of settling the Wallamet tribes east of the moun
tains. They weie informed of the troubles in southern
Oregon from the coast to Goose lake, and of the expedi
tions sent out against the Modocs and against the Snakes.
The Cay uses had not forgotten the tragedy of Waiilatpu,
and their punishment; the Nez Perces were, as they had
been always, cautious and conservative. It was, in truth,
not a propitious time for treaty making with the powerful
tribes of the trans-Cascades country.

But the command having gone forth, Governor Stevens
made some preliminary movements during the winter of
1854-5, by sending among the Indians of eastern Wash
ington, Mr. James Doty, already known to them as his
trusted aid, who explained the nature of the council to
which they were invited in May, securing their promises
to be present, and also their assent to the proposition to
purchase their lands, except such portions as they wished
to reserve for their permanent homes. The first council
was to be held with the Yakimas, Cayuses, Walla Wallas,
and Nez Perces, in the Walla Walla valley, on an ancient
council ground of the Yakima nation, selected by Kamia-

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 335

kin, chief of this people, and about five miles distant from
Waiilatpu.

The goods and agricultural implements intended for
presents to the chiefs, together with the necessary supplies
for a large camp, were transported above The Dalles in
keelboats, the first freight carriers on the upper Columbia
river, and this their first freight. The goods were disem
barked and stored at Fort Walla Walla of the Hudson s
Bay Company, then in charge of Mr. James Sinclair. The
commissioners were escorted from The Dalles to the council
grounds by forty dragoons under Lieutenant Archibald
Gracie, which force was raised to forty-seven by the ad
dition en route of a squad which had been out for a week
in the vain search for some Indian murderers.

From Walla Walla, the commissioners repaired at once
to the council ground, leaving their escort to follow. The
spot selected proved to be a beautiful one, and was made
comfortable by the erection of a long arbor for dining,
supplied with tables made of logs split down the middle
and placed upon rude trestles with the flat side up. Seats
were similarly improvised, and the place made to wear a
picturesquely inviting aspect. Plenty of time was allowed
for these preparations and for the arrival of the military,
that is to say, from the twentieth to the twenty-fourth, be
fore the Indians, ever dilatory on such occasions, began to
assemble.

The first to arrive were chiefs Lawyer and Looking Glass
of the Nez Perces, who encamped near the commissioners
after having displayed with their followers in their war
costume, the startling evolutions described in the account
given by Dr. White s visit to the Nez Perces in 1843. Two
days later the Cayuses arrived, making a similar display;
and on the twenty-eighth the Yakimas, the whole assem
blage numbering between four and five thousand persons,
of both sexes and all ages. When all were assembled,
two days more were consumed in the effort to get to busi
ness, the majority of the Indians being sullenly opposed

336 INDIAN WAE8 OF OREGON.

to the matter in hand, and some, especially the Cayuses,
being evidently hostile, regarding the troops with scowling
disapproval.

On the thirtieth, the council was finally opened and its
object explained. But it was soon apparent to the com
missioners that dealing with the tribes of the interior,
healthy and robust, besides having had the benefit of the
teaching and example of honorable traders and sincere
Christian missionaries, was a more difficult matter far than
making treaties with the decaying tribes of the Wallamet
and lower Columbia, or the wild men of the southern
Oregon valleys and coast.

Watchful, shy, and reticent, little progress was made day
after day in the negotiations. Speeches were delivered on
both sides, and although glimpses of shrewdness, and bits
of eloquence adorned some of them, they advanced the
real issue not at all. Concerning the sale of the Cayuse
lands, the head chief gave* utterance to the following
fanciful thoughts:

I wonder if the ground has anything to say? I wonder if the
ground is listening to what is said. " ; I hear what the ground
says. The ground says, "It is the Great Spirit which placed me
here. The Great Spirit tells me to take care of the Indians, to feed
them aright. The Great Spirit appointed the roots to feed the
Indians on." The water says the same thing, "The Great Spirit
directs me feed the Indians well." The grass says the same thing,
"Feed the horses and cattle." The ground, water, and grass say,
" The Great Spirit has given us our names. We have these names
and hold them. Neither the Indians nor the whites have a right to
change these names." The ground says, "The Great Spirit has
placed me here to produce all that grows on me trees and fruit."
The same way the ground says, " It was from me man was made."
The Great Spirit in placing men on the earth desired them to take
good care of the ground, and do each other no harm. The Great
Spirit said, "You Indians who take care of certain portions of the
country should not trade it off except you get a fair price." n

This speech was as interesting as any, and in its closing
sentence embodied the summing up, which in brief was an

II Kips Indian Council, pp. 22- 26.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 337

effort to heighten the value of the lands, and claim the
highest price, quite like more civilized men.

But, claiming that their lands were worth a high price
was not done expecting to sell ; it was only to discourage
buying. Over and over the commissioners set forth the
advantages to the red race of acquiring the knowledge to
be imparted by the white race. Their logic and painstak
ing explanations fell on closed ears. Owhi, a chief of the
Yakimas and brother-in-law of Kamiakin, was wholly op
posed to a treaty sale of the Yakima lands, as was Kam
iakin also. Peu-peu-mox-mox had abandoned his usual
deference to white men s views, and stood up bravely for
the right of his race to hold the soil. The Cayuses were
all against the treaty. Joseph and Looking Glass, war-
chief of the Nez Perces, were opposed to it. Only Lawyer,
who had been head chief of the Nez Perces ever since the
Cayuse war, and the death of Ellis and Richard, threw his
influence on the side of the commissioners, to whom his
word had been given previous to the opening of the nego
tiations.

Two contrary opinions have been held concerning Law
yer one, that he was vain and selfish, attaching himself
to the power that could keep him in office; and the other,
that he was a wise and shrewd politician, doing always
what was best for his people. Probably he was a little of
both, as Lieutenant Kip says: "I think it is doubtful if
Lawyer could have held out but for his pride in his small
sum of book lore, which inclined him to cling to his friend
ship with the whites. In making a speech he was able to
refer to the discovery of the continent by the Spaniards,
and the story of Columbus making the egg stand on end.
He related how the red men had receded before the white
men in a manner that was hardly calculated to pour oil
upon the troubled waters; yet, as his father had agreed
with Lewis and Clarke to live in peace with the whites, he
was in favor of making a treaty."

The numerical strength of the Nez Perces was such that

338 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

on securing their alliance depended the fate of the treaty,
if indeed they escaped becoming involved in war on ac
count of it, as at some points in the discussion seemed im
minent. Even among the Nez Perces themselves there
was discord. Looking Glass, from the time he appeared
at the council, had been insolent in his behavior, and the
little force of fifty troopers were kept ready for action in
case of an outbreak. Joseph, who pretended to a more
distinguished line of ancestry than Lawyer, and who
thought he should have been high chief in his place, as
he probably would have been but for the interference of
the white admirers of Lawyer, determinedly refused to
sign the treaty.

The proposition in the treaty most difficult to gain ac
ceptance was a common reservation for all the tribes pres
ent in the Nez Perces country. Finding that this feature
of the treaty would defeat it if further insisted upon, the
commissioners finally proposed separate reservations in all
the tribal lands, to which proposition there was a general
and apparently a cordial assent. Kamiakin only would
agree to nothing. When pressed by Stevens to express his
views, he exclaimed, "What have I to say?" and relapsed
into sullen silence. Two days afterwards, on the eleventh
of June, he signed the treaty along with all the other
chiefs, giving as a reason for his change of purpose that
he did it for the good of his people. Joseph, some years
later, denied having signed this treaty, and pretended to
the ownership of the Wallowa valley in Oregon, a claim
not justified by the facts, 12 but asserted by his son, Young
Joseph, and made the basis of a bloody war in 1877.

The Nez Perces received for their lands outside an ample
reservation, two hundred thousand dollars in annuities;
the Cayuses and Walla W T allas were united and given a
reservation in the beautiful Umatilla valley, and received
one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. The Yakimas
received the same as the Nez Perces, and were allowed the

12 Woods Status of Young Joseph, etc., p. 36.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 339

best lands on the south side of the Yakima river. In each
case there was the express provision that all the lands not
included in the reservations were open to settlement from
thenceforward, excepting those improved by the Indians
who were to receive pay for such. Mills, schools, mechanic
arts, and all the usual aids to civilization were assured.
A year was allowed in which to remove to the reservation,
and accustom themselves to their new conditions. In short,
the treaty as a treaty was irreproachable, although those
concerned in framing it had been at so much trouble to
secure its acceptance.

The demeanor of the chiefs after signing was cordial,
many of them expressing their thankfulness that the nego
tiations had ended so happily. The goods intended for
presents were distributed; agents were appointed, R. R.
Thompson to the Umatilla; W. H. Tappan to the Nez
Perce; and A. J. Bolan to the Yakima reservation.

On the sixteenth of June, Stevens proceeded northward
to treat with the Spokanes, Coeur d Alenes, and other tribes
in Washington territory, while Palmer returned to The
Dalles, making treaties with the tribes between Powder
river and the Cascade range, purchasing all the land in
eastern Oregon north of the forty-fourth parallel, and as
signing the Indians to a reservation including the Tyghe
valley, and some warm springs, from which it took its
name of Warm Springs reservation.

After accomplishing all this really arduous work, Palmer
returned home, well pleased to have succeeded so well and
entirely unaware that he, with all his party and the troops,
had barely escaped massacre at the council grounds in the
Walla Walla valley through the refusal of Lawyer to con
sent to the treachery. Such, the Nez Perces afterwards de
clared was the truth, and the demeanor of the Cayuses and
Yakimas certainly sustained the charge.

It has since been alleged in palliation that the treaties
were forced upon the Indians; that their objections were
not regarded ; that a general council furnished the oppor-

340 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

tunity and the temptation for intrigue; that the commis
sioners should have been escorted by a larger body of troops
and have been surrounded by every impressive ceremonial,
this being the way to make sa.vages as well as civilized
men respectful. Quien Sabc? It was well at any rate that
Lawyer was able to avert the blow.

While the superintendent of Indian affairs was busied
with treaty making in the north, trouble was again brew
ing in southern Oregon. Following some minor disturb
ances, on June first Jerome Dyar and Daniel McKaw were
murdered on the road between Jacksonville and Illinois
valley. On various pretenses the Indians, especially those
living formerly on Applegate creek and Illinois river,
roamed about the country off the reservation, and in June
a party of them made a descent on a mining camp, killing
several men and capturing property of considerable value.

A volunteer company calling themselves the "Independ
ent Rangers" was organized at Wait s mill in Rogue-river
valley, and commanded by H. B. Hayes, who reported to
John E. Ross, colonel of the territorial militia, for recogni
tion, which went in pursuit of the guilty Indians. This
was the first organization of any military company since
the treaty with the Rogue-rivers in 1853. The agent on
the reservation hearing of the movement, notified Captain
Smith of Fort Lane, who took out his dragoons and
gathered up all the straying Indians he could find, brought
them back to the reservation where they were safe. A
portion of them who were not brought in were pursued
into the mountains, and one killed, A skirmish took
place, in which a white man, one Philpot, was killed, and
several horses wounded. Skirmishing continued for a
week, without very serious results on either side.

In August, a white man having sold a bottle of whisky
to some strolling Indians from the reservation, they
attacked a party of miners on the Klamath, killing John
Pollock, William Hennessey, Peter Heinrich, Thomas

THE ROGUE EIVEE WARS. 341

Gray, Edward Parrish, John L. Fickas, F. D. Mattice, T.
D. Mattice, and two other men known as Raymond and
Pedro. Several Indians were also killed in the fight.

A company of volunteers was organized on the south
side of the Siskiyous, and commanded by William Martin,
proceeded to the reservation, and demanded the surrender
of the murderers, which demand Captain Smith refused
on technical grounds. He could not deliver persons
charged with crime into the hands of a merely voluntary
assemblage of men. Later, however, in November, some
arrests were made on a requisition from Siskiyou county.

Another affair in the month of August produced a
strong feeling against the military even more than the
Indians. An Indian in the Port Orford district shot at
and wounded James Buford near the mouth of Rogue
river. Ben Wright, the agent, delivered the Indian to
the sheriff of Coos county, who, having no place in which
to confine his prisoner, delivered him to a squad of soldiers
to be taken to Port Orford and placed in the guardhouse.
While the canoe containing the prisoner and his guards
was passing up the river to a place of encampment, it was
followed by Buford, his partner Hawkins, and O Brien, a
trader, determined to give the Indian no chance of escape
through the sympathy of the military authorities. Watch
ing their opportunity they fired upon the canoe, killing
the prisoner and another Indian. The fire was promptly
returned by the soldiers, who killed at once two of the
white men, and mortally wounded the third.

The indignation aroused by this affair against the mili
tary was intense. The cooler heads saw that technically
the soldiers were in the right; but the majority could not
perceive the propriety of putting white men on a par with
Indians. Even an Indian, they felt sure, would never
have shot down men of his own race in defense of white
men. A contempt, too, for military dignity was supplant
ing respect. An Indian had shot into a crowd in which

342 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Lieutenant Kautz was standing, the ball passing so near
that Kautz believed himself to be struck, and fell to his
knees. On examination it was shown that the bullet had
not touched the lieutenant, and that he had fallen simply
from the nervous shock of a belief in a wound. This in
cident was greatly enjoyed by civilians, and helped to allay
some of the irritation in the public mind of this part of
the country. But, although soberer counsels prevailed
over an inclination to fight both soldiers and Indians,
there was in the air that threat of something to come
which would not allow of rest either to the white or the
red man.

On the second of September, Greenville M. Keene of
Tennessee was killed on the reservation while attempting,
with several others, to recover some stolen horses. Two of
the party were wounded and forced to retreat. On the
twenty-fourth, Calvin Fields of Iowa and John Cunning
ham of Sauve Island, Oregon, were killed, and Harrison
Oatman and Daniel Britton wounded, while crossing the
Siskiyou mountains with loaded teams. Their eighteen
oxen were also slain. Captain Smith on receiving the
news ordered out a detachment, but was unable to make
any arrests. On the twenty-fifth, Samuel Warner was
killed near the same place.

Notwithstanding these acts of hostility, such as usually
precede a general outbreak, Agent Ambrose occupied him
self in writing letters for the public press over the signa
ture of "A Miner," in which he declared the innocency of
the reservation Indians and their good disposition towards
the white inhabitants. "God knows," he said, "I would
not care how soon they were all dead, and I believe the
country would be greatly benefited by it, but I am tired of
this senseless railing against Captain Smith and the In
dian agent for doing their duty, obeying the laws, and
preserving our valley from the horrors of a war with a
tribe of Indians who do not desire it, but wish for peace,
and by their conduct have shown it." The nom de plume

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 343

of "Miner" did not long deceive any one in southern
Oregon; nor the affectation of sentiments often ascribed
to miners in the first lines of this paragraph, tend to con
ciliate this class.

Early in October a party of roving reservation Indians
were discovered encamped near the mouth of Butte creek,
on Rogue river, and it was suspected that among them
were some who had been annoying the settlers. Upon
this suspicion a company of about thirty men, commanded
by J. A. Lupton, proceeded before daybreak on the eighth
of October to attack this camp, which was surprised and
terribly chastised, twenty-three being killed and many
wounded before it was learned that the majority of the
victims were non-combatanls, or old men, women, and
children. The survivors took refuge at Fort Lane, where
their wounds, and their wailings for their dead, excited
much pity in the breasts of Captain Smith and his troopers,
who went out to view the field after the slaughter, instead
of preventing it. In this affair Lupton, who was major of
militia, was killed, and eleven of his company wounded, a
proof that the Indians were not all unarmed.

This occurred on the morning of the eighth of October.
It has been sometimes alleged that the events following 011
the ninth were the immediate outcome of the attack at
Butte creek, but such could not have been the case.
Savages do not move with such celerity. They could not
have armed and organized in a day, and must for some
time have been making preparations for war before they
could have ventured upon it. Armed Indians were by
the treaty made suspects, and to have been armed and
supplied with ammunition evidenced a long period of
looking forward to an outbreak. The reservation and
Fort Lane favored such an intention. The former was a
safe hiding place, and the latter a refuge in case of detec
tion or pursuit.

On the night of the eighth two men were killed and
another wounded, who were in charge of a pack train at

344 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Jewett s ferry. Jewett s house was fired upon, but no one
killed. A considerable number of Indians had gathered,
apparently by concert, near this place, who about day
break proceeded down the river to Evans ferry, where
they found Isaac Shelton of the Wallamet valley on his
way to Yreka, and mortally wounded him. Still further
down was the house of J. K. Jones, whom they killed;
also mortally wounding his wife, and pillaging and burn
ing his house.

Below this place was the house of J. Wagoner. On the
the way to it the Indians killed four men. Mr. Wagoner
was absent from his home, having gone that morning to
escort Miss Pellet, a temperance lecturer, from Buffalo, New
York, to Sailor diggings. The fate of Mrs. Wagoner and
her four-year-old daughter, Mary, was never certainly
known, the house and all in it having been burned. She
was a young and beautiful woman, well educated and re
fined, and the uncertainty concerning her death or the
manner of it was a horrible torture to her husband, who
survived her. One story told by the Indians themselves,
was that she fastened herself in her house, carefully dressed
as if for a sacrifice, and seating herself in the center
of the sitting-room with her child in her arms, awaited
death, which came to her by fire. But others said, and
probably with truth, that she was carried off, and her child
killed because it cried so much. The mother refused to
eat, and died of grief and starvation at "The Meadows."
Captain Wallen has said that two scalps captured from the
Indians at the battle of Cow creek in 1856 were identified
as those of Mrs. Wagoner and her child, the mother s beau
tiful hair being unmistakable; and the Indian stories may
none be the actual truth.

From the smoking ruins of the Wagoner home, the In
dians proceeded to the place of George W. Harris, who be
ing at a little distance from his house and suspecting from
their appearance that they meant to attack him, ran quickly
in and seized his gun. As they came on with hostile words

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 345

and actions he shot one, and wounded another from his
doorway, where he was himself shot down a few moments
later, leaving his wife and little daughter to defend them
selves, which they did for twenty-four hours, before help
arrived.

Dragging her husband s body inside and barring the
door, Mrs. Harris instructed her daughter how to make
bullets, while she stood guard and prevented the Indians
from approaching too near the house by firing through
cracks in the walls at every one detected in the attempt to
reach it. In this painfully solicitous manner she kept off
the enemy until dark, when they withdrew. Alone with
her husband s dead body, and her weary and frightened
child, she spent the long night. Fearing that the Indians
would return with reinforcements in the morning, towards
dawn she stole forth, locking the house behind her, and
concealed herself and daughter under a pile of brush at
no great distance away, where she was found, blackened
with powder and stained with blood, many hours later by
a detachment of troops under Major Fitzgerald. 13

The other victims of the outbreak of the ninth of Octo
ber were: Mr. and Mrs. Haines and two children, Frank
A. Reed, William Given, James W. Cartwright, Powell,
Bunch, Hamilton, Fox, White, and others, on the road
between Evans ferry and Grave creek; two young women,
Miss Hudson and Miss Wilson, on the road between Indian
creek and Crescent City; and three men on Grave creek?
below the road. It was altogether the bloodiest day the
valley had ever seen.

When the news that the settlements were attacked
reached Jacksonville, a company of twenty men quickly
armed and took the trail of the Indians. They were over
taken and joined by Major Fitzgerald with fifty-five troop
ers from Fort Lane. On arriving at Wagoner s place they
found thirty Indians engaged in plundering the premises,

13 Mrs. Harris afterwards married Aaron Chambers. She died in Jackson county
in 1869, highly respected by the community.

346 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

who, when the volunteers the first on the ground ap
peared, greeted them with derisive yells, dancing, and in
sulting gestures; but when they beheld the dragoons, fled
precipitately towards the mountains. A pursuit of two or
three miles proved unavailing, the troop horses being jaded
by a long march ; and after patrolling the road for several
hours, Fitzgerald returned to Fort Lane and the volun
teers to their homes to make ready for the prolonged con
test which was evidently before them.

An express, carried by T. McFadden Patton, was already
well on the road to the seat of government to inform the
governor, the superintendent of Indian affairs, and the
military authorities at Vancouver of the condition of affairs
in the south. So far, however, were the latter from being
able to afford any aid, that an express was at that very
time on the road to Fort Lane with a requisition for troops
to be used in the north, as we shall see hereafter.

On the tenth of October, Lieutenant Kautz had set out
from Port Orford with a party of citizens and soldiers to
make an examination of a proposed route for a wagon
road from that place to Jacksonville. At the great bend
of Rogue river, thirty miles from the coast, he found the
settlers in much alarm at a threatened attack from the In
dians on Applegate creek, and returned to the fort for a
larger supply of arms and ammunition, to enable him to
engage the hostiles should they be met with. A few days
after resuming his march he was attacked, and fought,
losing five of his company, three citizens and two soldiers.
He was barely able to secure an orderly retreat with the
remainder of his party, and the Indians were only pre
vented from securing a considerable amount of ammuni
tion by his caution in unloading the pack animals at the
beginning of the engagement.

In looking over the field it was perceived that all the
Indians in the country from Yreka to the Umpqua canon,
and from the coast to Modoc land, were hostile, with the

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 347

exception of Sam and his band, who, since the treaty of
1853, had apparently kept faith with the government.
But so subtile is the Indian character that few trusted in
this appearance. For while even one chief is friendly the
treaty payments go on; the reservation is a refuge from
avenging pursuit of robbers and murderers, and the pro
tection of government troops is accorded so long as any
portion of a tribe remains true to its obligations. It is,
therefore, plainly to the interest of the Indians contem
plating mischief to possess the privileges of a reservation,
and the fact that a considerable portion of a tribe makes
its home there, is no security against hostilities by the
lusty warriors, who are excused by their chiefs on account
of youth for the commission of acts of a criminal nature.
This lesson had been impressed upon the people by the
events of the past few years, and rilled them with doubt
concerning any Indian probity.

It now behooved the inhabitants of southern Oregon to
prepare to meet the emergency. Estimating the number
of Indians who could be called warriors at no more than
four hundred, four times that number of white men would
be required to subdue them on account of their better
knowledge of the country, their ability to appear simul
taneously at several points, and of disappearing rapidly
on the approach of troops, wearing out the horses and
men engaged in pursuit. They were, besides, well armed
and supplied with ammunition; whereas the volunteers
had neither in any amount. The men mustered between
the ninth and eleventh only numbered one hundred and
fifty, because no more could be armed. The Indians had
slyly bought up all the rifles and revolvers in the country,
and were skilled in the use of them. The only thing that
was attempted for several days was to protect the most
exposed settlements, and keep open the roads north and
south.

A company of which J. S. Rinearson was captain, was
on the tenth, divided into squads, and sent, ten to the

348 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON.

mouth of the Umpqua canon, five three miles south to
Leving s place, five to Turner s, seven miles further south,
and six to the Grave-creek house. On the eleventh, thirty
men made a scout down Rogue river to the mouth of
Galice creek, twelve of them having no other arms than
pistols. They were provisioned, blanketed, and sometimes
armed by the settlers they served.

The United States troops in southern Oregon at this
time were two full companies of dragoons at Fort Lane,
under Major Fitzgerald and Captain Smith, and sixty-four
infantry at Winchester, in the Umpqua valley, under Lieu
tenant Gibson, escort to Lieutenant Williamson on his
survey of a railroad route from the Sacramento to the
Wallamet, and who now retraced his steps to Fort Lane.
The small garrison at Port Orford was not available, and
Fitzgerald s company was ordered north before troops were
put in the field here, leaving one company of dragoons
and one of infantry to defend the isolated southern divis
ion of the territory.

On the twelfth of October, Colonel John E. Ross of the
ninth regiment of Oregon militia ordered Major James H.
Russell to report to him without delay. Some captains of
militia were already in the field, while other companies
were commanded by any men who had the qualities of a
leader, and on the application of citizens, these were duly
commissioned. At the request of M. C. Barkwell, a com
pany was raised by R. L. Williams for the protection of
his neighborhood. The settlers at Althouse, on Illinois
river, petitioned to have Theoron Crook empowered to
raise a company to range the mountains in that vicinity. 14

14 This petition was signed by Hiram Rice, J. J. Rote, Frederick Rhoda, Lucius D.
Hart, S. Matthews, Charles F. Wilson, Elias Winkleback, S. P. Duggan, John Morrow,
Allen Knapp, W. H. B. Douglas, William Lane, J. T. Mann, George H. Grayson, R. T.
Brickley, J. H. Huston, L. Coffey, H. Kaston, John Murphy, B. B. Brockway, A, L.
Scott, George W. Comegys, James C. Castleman, D. D. Drake, John R. Hale, E. R.
Crane, Alden Whitney, Joshua Harlan, S. H. Harper, M. P. Howard, R. S. A. Colwell,
George Lake, Thomas Lake, George Coblence, Jacob Randbush, Peter Colean, U. S.
Barr, William Lance, Robert Rose, N. D. Palmer, James Hale, E. D. Cohen, Sigmund
Heilner, William Chapman, John E. Post, John W. Merideth, A. More, Thomas Ford,

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 349

The settlers and miners of Phoenix mills, 15 Illinois valley,
Deer creek, and Galice creek, also petitioned for permission
to raise companies for defense, and the outlying settlements
prayed for guards to be sent them.

The volunteer companies raised before the twentieth
numbered fifteen. Of twelve of them the following infor
mation has been preserved: T. S. Harris, captain of
company A; James Bruce, company B; J. S. Rinearson,
company C. Rinearson s lieutenants were W. P. Wing, I.
N. Bentley, and R. W. Henry. R. L. Williams was captain
of company D; E. B. Stone, first lieutenant, and E. K.
Elliott, sergeant. W. B. Lewis was captain of company
E; his lieutenants, W. A. J. Moore and . White; his ser
geant, I. D. Adams. A. S. Welton was captain of company
F; Miles T. Alcorn, captain of company G, his lieutenant
being J. M. Osborne. W. A. Wilkinson was captain of
company H; T. Smith, captain of company f : S. A. Frye,
captain of company K ; Abel George, captain of company
L, and F. R. Hill, captain of company M. The names of
Orrin Root, T. J. Gardner, M. M. Williams, M. P. Howard,
and . Hayes appear in official correspondence as captains ;
the names of Daniel Richardson, H. P. Conroy, and .
Morrison as lieutenants, and W. M. Evans as orderly
sergeant. C. S. Drew was appointed adjutant; C. West-
feldt, quartermaster and commissary, and C. B. Brooks,
surgeon. J. B. Wagoner and John Hillman were em
ployed in the dangerous duty of express riding, Wagoner
remaining in the service as long as the first volunteer
organization lasted. Other names here preserved are those
that have cropped up in the correspondence gathered to

and . Gilharts. This list is copied from B. F. Do well s collection of Indian war
documents, from which, too, many facts have been drawn for this history.

15 The petition from Phoenix mills was signed by S. M. Waite (founder of Waits-
burg, Washington ), Samuel Colver, Joseph Tracy, Jarius F. Kennedy, M. M. Williams,
and J. T. Gray. The petitioners from Illinois valley and Deer creek were : John D.
Post, William Chapman, G. E. Briggs, J. N. Knight, A. J. Henderson, William B. Hay,
L. Reeves, Joseph Kirby, R. T. Olds. Samuel White, William E. Randolph, Frederick
Rhoda, L. D. Hart, Alexander McBride, C. C. Luther, S. Scott, O. E. Riley, J. T. L.
Mills, and . Coltinell : Copied from B. F. Dowell s Indian icar documents.

350 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

assist in the collection of Indian war claims by B. F.
Dowell of Jacksonville, already referred to in a previous
note.

Considering the obstacles to be overcome, and the perils
of the service, the organization of the ninth regiment by
Colonel Ross was creditable to that officer and the men
enlisted. As fast as they could be armed, men were sent
to guard exposed settlements, and scouts were kept on the
move, looking for the enemy, as well as detachments
ordered to attend pack trains on the roads leading from
Crescent City to the various mining camps, or from Jack
sonville to the volunteer camps; for the Indians must now
depend chiefly upon what they could capture for their
supplies.

The first engagement between the volunteers and In
dians occurred on the seventeenth of October, at Skull
bar of Rogue river, a short distance below the mouth of
Galice creek, where company E was encamped. In camp
were gathered all the miners from the diggings in the
vicinity, including some Chinese who had been driven
from their claims, besides some captive Indian women
and boys.

Skull bar lay on the south side of the river and had for
a background a high ridge, covered with a dense growth
of hazel and young firs. The thickets had been cut away
for some distance that no lurking places for the foe might
be afforded within rifle shot of the camp, and a breast
work of logs thrown up on the side most open to attack.

It was discovered on the day above-mentioned that the
forest on the hillside was swarming with Indians, and to
drive them back J. W. Pickett, with six men, charged the
bushes. He was received with a galling fire, and fell, his
men being forced to retreat. Lieutenant Moore then took
a position, sheltered by a bank, on that side of camp from
which attack seemed most imminent, where he fought for
four hours under a heavy fire, himself and nearly half his

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 351

men being wounded, when they also were compelled to re
treat. Captain Lewis was himself three times struck and
severely wounded.

The Indians discovering that the weakest point in the
volunteer position was on its left, made a bold attack in
that quarter, but lost by it one of their most powerful
Shasta warriors, which incident for a brief space operated
as a check. Then, finding that the volunteers were not dis
lodged with rifle balls, they shot lighted arrows into their
camp, giving them much ado to prevent a conflagration.
Indeed, during the fighting the mining town of Galice
Creek was consumed, with the exception of one building,
occupied as the company s headquarters. When night
closed in, nearly one-third of company E were hors de
combat. The killed were J. W. Pickett and Samuel Saun-
ders; the mortally wounded, Benjamin Taft and Israel D.
Adams; the severely wounded, Lieutenant Moore, Allen
Evans, Milton Blackledge, Joseph Umpqua, John Ericson,
and Captain Lewis. In his report to his colonel, Lewis
boasted that he had "fought the hardest battle ever fought
this side of the Rocky mountains." More than two thou
sand five hundred shots had the enemy fired that day,
but his men had not flinched. Two facts are brought to
light by this report one, that the camp was ill chosen;
the other, that the Indians possessed an abundance of am
munition which they must have been a year in gathering.

Such was the facility with which the Indians, knowing
every part of the country, could move undetected from
point to point, that while the regulars under Captain
Judah, and volunteers under Bruce and Harris, were in
hot pursuit of, without finding the enemy, they were
appearing and vanishing in a manner so illusory as to
bewilder the military authorities, whether local or national.
At the very time that Colonel Ross announced his opinion,
upon evidence, that the main strength of the Indians was
centered at "The Meadows," a narrow stretch of bottom
land below Galice creek, where mountains rise on either

352 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

side of Rogue river high, craggy, timbered for the most
part densely with live-oak, manzanita, chinquapin, and
chaparral, with occasional bald, grassy slopes, the meadows
being covered with rank grass and shrubs, on which cat
tle could subsist even in winter, they were away on Cow
creek committing depredations.

On the twenty-third, while a party of wagoners and
drovers were at the crossing, they were ambushed and
attacked; Holland Bailey of Lane county being killed,
and four others wounded. The remainder of the party
retreated with all the haste possible, pursued and har-
rassed for several hours. On the same day the houses of
Turner, Bray, Redfield, Fortune, and others in Cow-creek
valley were burned. It was impossible to guard every
settler s home, but the families were gathered at a few for
tified places, while the men were on duty elsewhere, and
the Indians were destroying their property. Not a settle
ment but was threatened, not a pack train on the road but
was liable to capture, nor any traveler s life safe. 16

This condition of affairs prevented any concerted action,
had it been desired, between the regular and volunteer
forces; or any massing of their strength, but kept both in
rapid and exhausting movement.

However, on the twenty-eighth, Fitzgerald, being in the
Grave-creek hills, south of Cow creek, discovered an Indian
encampment, and wishing to attack it sent a dispatch to
Ross, who immediately ordered Captains Harris, Welton,
George, Williams, and Lewis to reenforce him. Bruce and
Rinearson coming in a little later, were also ordered to
Grave creek, where on the thirtieth, were concentrated two
hundred and fifty volunteers, and one hundred and five

10 The following incident, illustrative of the times, is furnished by John Wallen,
later a captain in the volunteer force : Ivens train was ahead, my own next, Lin-
ville came behind me, then Fox and Templeton, and last a Spanish train. As we
started down the mountain the Indians fired upon the trains. I had dismounted,
and as the firing commenced I sprang upon the bell pony, which was passing me
without a rider, and started in a run down the mountain. I passed Ivens, and soon
Linville passed me. When we reached a place of safety I found all had escaped
unhurt except Ivens, who was slightly wounded, and had his clothes riddled with

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 353

regulars, although on account of the illness of Fitzgerald,
only a portion of his troops were available.

When Ross arrived at the rendezvous late that night,
he found Captain Smith of the first dragoons impatient to
attack. Spies from his own and the volunteer force had
found the enemy s position to be on a hill difficult of
approach, and well fortified. A map had been made for
use by the officers, and Smith assumed command of the
combined forces. Although it was already half past ten
o clock in the evening, orders were issued to march at
eleven.

Smith s plan was to plant howitzers on an eminence
three-fourths of a mile from that occupied by the Indians,
and having divided the companies into three columns,
stationed so as to enclose the Indians, to open his battery
upon them before he had been discovered. His design
was frustrated through some one having set fire to a tree,
and after a toilsome night march he was unable to surprise
the enemy. On arriving on the edge of a ravine in front
of the enemy s position, instead of shelling the Indians in
their stronghold, a charge was ordered. The hill on which
the Indians were fortified was bald on the south side, by
which the troops were approaching, except for a short but
tangled undergrowth with which also the ravine they had
to cross was filled. On the north of the Indian position
there was a heavy forest.

It should be here stated that an unexpected reenforce-
ment had arrived during the night, consisting of two
companies of a battalion called out by Governor Curry ;
their captains being Joseph Bailey and Samuel Gordon.
To these two companies was assigned the duty of flanking

bullets. The bell boy had mounted a fast horse, and lying low on his back had not
been hit. The Indians captured six mules belonging to Ivens, fifty to Fox and Tem-
pleton, and forty-one to me, with the packs, which cost me five thousand and one
hundred dollars. We had a number of cases of bullets and several kegs of powder,
also nails. The Indians opened one keg, and finding it contained nails, supposed
the others were also nail kegs, and left them unopened. Six days after they attacked
Althouse on Galice creek, Ivens and Sanders being unable to escape for several days;
also the Applegate house, which was guarded by Wylie, French, Haines, and Louton.

354 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

on the north to intercept the Indians in the woods when
the charging force should have driven them from their
fortification.

The captains who led in the charge were Binearson and
Welton, their companies being augmented by portions of
others, and a part of the regular force also, all rushing
with eagerness to fire the first shot. As had been antici
pated, the Indians took shelter in the woods, but were not
met by Bailey and Gordon as designed, their men finding
it impossible to penetrate the dense and tangled under
wood in a body; and were not driven back upon the com
panies of Harris and Bruce, who were awaiting them in
concealment, as had been anticipated. These two com
manders therefore joined the army in front. Thus nothing
happened but the unexpected.

The day passed in vain efforts to get at the Indians, who
could not be approached without extreme peril, until three
o clock in the afternoon, when Captain Smith, with a small
force of dragoons, made an assault. Several rounds were
discharged with the short cavalry arms, which were wholly
ineffectual against the rifles of the Indians, when the
troopers fell back, having several killed and wounded.
Firing continued until dark, when the whole force went
into camp at a place named by them "Bloody Spring,"
where the wounded were being cared for, and where they
all went supperless to their blankets.

At sunrise the next morning the Indians attacked and
engaged the troops for several hours, when, being repulsed,
they withdrew. The troops then marched back to Fort
Bailey on Grave creek, bearing their w^ounded on litters.
In this battle the volunteers lost twenty-six men killed,
wounded, and missing. Company A lost Jonathan A.
Pedigo, mortally wounded, and Ira May field, L. F. Allen,
William Purnell, Williams Hans, John Goldsby, and
Thomas Gill, wounded severely. Company B, Charles
Goodwin, wounded mortally. Company C, Henry Pearl,
Jacob W. Miller, and James Pearcy killed ; Enoch Miller,

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 355

W. H. Crouch, and Ephriam Yager wounded. Company
D, John Winters killed; John Stannes, and Thomas Ryan
wounded. Company F, John Kennedy mortally wounded.
The company of Captain Bailey lost John Gillespie, killed ;
John Walden, John C. Richardson, James Laphar, Thomas
J. Aubrey, and John Pankey wounded. Gordon s company
had Hawkins Shelton, J. M. Fordyce, and William Wilson
wounded. The regular troops lost three killed in action,
one by accident, and seven wounded, among whom was
Lieutenant Gibson. The Indian loss could not be known,
but was much less than that of the volunteers, as from the
nature of their relative positions it must be. Thus the
second battle with a considerable Indian force was fought
with a great sacrifice of life, 17 and without any gain in
peace or possessions. "God only knows," wrote a corre
spondent of the Oregon Statesman, "when or where this
war may end. * * * These mountains are worse than
the swamps of Florida."

We come now to consider some collateral circumstances
and influences affecting the management and the morale
of the war. Before the news of the ninth of October
reached the superintendent of Indian affairs at Dayton in
the Wallamet valley, owing to the general restlessness of
the Indians assigned to reservations, as well as those still
roving, he had issued "regulations for the guidance of
agents" in his superintendency, "pending existing hostil
ities," as follows:

i? The Ashland Tidings of October 19, 1877, has a tribute by J. M. Sutton to Volun
teer Pedigo, who, with Miller, Pearcy, Pearl, and Winters, was buried at Fort Bailey:
"Jonathan A. Pedigo was a young man who had just passed his majority. * * *
My only intimacy with him was during our service in the war of 1855, from the
seventh day of October to the time of his death, less than one month. Yet during
this short period all of his comrades had learned to love the name of Jonathan A.
Pedigo for the great benevolent heart that beat within his bosom. Brave to a fault,
ever ready to do his duty and more, the old men of our company, of whom we had
several, were relieved by his ever-ready hand from much of the rigor of Indian war
fare. He would attend to their horses, and occasionally take their places on guard
on a cold or rainy night. Being large and robust, his greatest pleasure seemed to be
in relieving the hardships of those possessing, in a smaller degree, the power of
endurance."

356 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

OFFICE SUPERINTENDENT INDIAN AFFAIRS,
DAYTON, O. T., October 13, 1855.

It is hereby ordered that the Indians in the Willamette valley,
parties to the treaty of the tenth of January, 1855, shall be forth
with collected upon the reservations heretofore or now to be assigned
to them, to remain under the direction of such persons as may be
appointed to act for the time being as their local agents.

The names of all adult males, and boys over twelve years of age,
shall be enrolled, and the roll called daily.

When any one shall be absent at rollcall, the fact shall be noted,
and unless a satisfactory reason be rendered, the absentee shall be
regarded as a person dangerous to the peace of the country, and
dealt with accordingly.

Any Indian found outside of his designated temporary reserva
tion, without being able satisfactorily to account therefor, shall be
arrested and retained in custody so long as shall be deemed neces
sary ; or should he be a stranger, not belonging to any of the bands
of this valley, he* shall be placed for safe keeping in the county jail,
or taken to Fort Vancouver. But should he prove a spy from the
enemy, he will be immediately turned over to the military author
ities.

Any Indian who has joined or may hereafter join the hostile
bands, give them informatioH, or in any way aid or assist them in
making war against the whites, shall be regarded as having thereby
forfeited all rights under the treaty, and excluded from any benefits
to be derived therefrom. He will, moreover, be regarded as an en
emy ; and it will be the duty of all friendly Indians to deliver up
such to the agents or civil officers, and in no case to afford them en
couragement or protection.

The persons designated to act as local agents will use a sound dis
cretion in regard to the number of firearms Jndians may be per
mitted to retain at their encampments.

No Indian will be permitted to leave his assigned encampment
unless by written permit from the local or special agent.

The local agents will each be furnished with proper supplies of
flour and beef, and will issue rations to the Indians when necessary
of one pound each per day to each adult, and less in proportion to
children, as they may judge them to require.

Should any member of these bands desire to reside with and
labor for the settlers, he may be permitted to do so, the agent ob
taining a guarantee from the person for whom the labor is per
formed, in each case, for the fidelity and good conduct of the Indian.
Every effort will be made by the local agents to ascertain whether
any Indians of the valley have left the settlements with hostile in
tentions ; and the names of such, together with the proofs, will be
reported to this office.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 357

E. R. Geary will superintend the arrangement of encampments,
and designate persons to act as local agents for the respective bands.

Berry man Jennings is appointed special sub-Indian agent for the
Willamette valley, and as such will cooperate with Mr. Geary in
carrying into effect the foregoing regulations.

The encampments assigned the several bands, and the name of
the local agent for each, will be reported to this office, and published
in the papers of this valley for the benefit of all concerned.

The same precautions will be observed in regard to the tribes and
bands within this superiri tendency embraced in the treaties lately
negotiated east of the Cascade mountains; and agent R. R. Thomp
son will assign the temporary encampments to the several bands,
and designate proper persons to act as local agents, call the rolls,
and distribute the necessary rations.

Agent Ambrose will make similar arrangements in regard to the
Indians in the Rogue-river district, embraced in the treaties of the
tenth of September, 1853, and eighteenth of November, 1854.

The various rolls will be kept with accuracy and care, and for
warded to the superintendent s ofhce at Dayton; it being deter
mined to make these rolls the criterion in the payment of annuities;
and no Indian whose name is not enrolled, and who cannot give a
satisfactory reason for the omission, or who shall refuse to comply
with the foregoing regulations, shall be embraced in said payment.

This order, though it may be regarded as arbitrary, and unwar
ranted in the ordinary state of affairs, is, in view of existing hostil
ities, deemed necessary, as it is extremely difficult to distinguish
among our Indian population, the well disposed and friendly from
the vicious and hostile ; and from the fact that representations have
been made warranting the belief that members of one or more bands
have already left this valley and joined the hostile tribes north of
the Columbia river.

The measure is deemed no less a security to the white settlements
than to the friendly bands of Indians ; nor is it designed to abridge
in the least the rights secured by the treaties to the Indians, but if
possible to avert hostilities with these bands.

Citizens generally are requested to give this order a proper inter
pretation, and to exercise a due degree of forbearance in their deal
ings with the Indians ; but at the same time to keep a vigilant
watch over them, and report to the acting agents the presence of
strange Indians among us; and render such aid, in their apprehen
sion, as may tend to protect our persons and property, arid secure

peace.

JOEL, PALMER,
Superintendent of Indian Affairs.

Since preparing the foregoing regulations, information has been
received at this office that a portion of the Indians in southern

358 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Oregon and northern California have exhibited hostile demonstra
tions endangering the peace of the settlements in the valley; it is,
therefore, ordered that the Indians embraced in the treaties of nine
teenth of September, 1853, being the Cow-creek band of Umpquas,
and those of the Umpqua and Calapooia tribes, treated with on the
twenty-ninth of November, 1854, be assembled on the reservation
designated by that treaty.

William J. Martin is appointed special sub-Indian agent for the
bands embraced in these two treaties, and as such will cooperate
with agent George H. Ambrose in carrying out the foregoing regu
lations. Sub-Indian agent E. P. Drew, and special sub-Indian
agent Benjamin Wright, will, if they believe the peace of the settle
ments require it, adopt the same precautions with the tribes and
bands within their districts.

JOEL PALMER.

It will be seen from this action of the superintendent
that before he had been made aware of the great provoca
tion given the white population of southern Oregon to
treat as " persons dangerous to the peace of the country,"
and to be "dealt with accordingly," all Indians absent
from their reservations, as well as strangers roving over
the country, he had arrived at conclusions which justified
them in holding this view.

Governor Curry, too, on receiving information of the
ninth of October massacres, together with a petition from
Umpqua valley asking for five hundred volunteers to
defend the country, issued a proclamation October fifteenth,
calling for five companies of mounted men to constitute a
northern battalion, and five companies of mounted men
to constitute a southern battalion, to remain in service
until discharged; each company to consist of sixty men,
with the usual complement of officers, making a total of
seventy-one, rank and file; each volunteer to furnish his
own horse, arms, and equipments, and each company to
elect its own officers, and thereafter to proceed at once to
the seat of war.

The proclamation required Jackson county to furnish
the number of men called for to form the southern bat
talion, who should rendezvous at Jacksonville, elect a
major to command, and report to headquarters.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 359

The northern battalion was ordered to be raised two
companies in Lane, and one each in Linn, Douglas, and
Umpqua counties, to rendezvous at Roseburg. Adjutant-
General E. M. Barnum left the movements of the two bat
talions to their respective commanders, directing, however,
that all Indians should be treated as enemies who were
not unmistakably friends. The only "instructions" were
to endeavor to act in concert with the regular army
officers.

It would be hard to see in what respect the course pur
sued by the volunteers in the field differed from the
governor s or the adjutant-general s, or even the Indian
superintendent s directions; yet five days later Governor
Curry ordered disbanded the battalion already in the field
from Jackson county, and raised under the militia law of
the territory, because, forsooth, information had reached
him that Indians had been slaughtered "by a rabble from
the neighborhood of Yreka," 18 and he, by inference at
least, classed all the men of the south in arms against the
Indians with that rabble, by which was meant Major Lup-
ton s party, which attacked the Indians off the reservation
on the morning of the eighth of October, and whose action,
if doubtful in appearance at the time, was justified by the
events which immediately followed it, showing that the
Indians were, as he believed, prepared for mischief.

Notwithstanding the disbanding of Ross regiment on
account, presumably, of their hostility to the Indians, the
men were invited to reenlist in the southern battalion to
fight these same Indians. The odium thus was left to rest
upon the officers, who were largely of a political party
opposed to that to which the governor belonged; and this
was supposed to account for the slight put upon those who
had hastened to the defense of their country at her mo
ment of greatest peril.

The first effect of the governor s proclamations was to
suspend volunteering. On the seventh of November, the

18 Oregon Statesman, January 27, 1857.

360 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

ninth regiment was assembled by order of Colonel Ross at
Fort Vannoy on the Illinois river, in order that all who
desired to continue in service might be mustered in under
the new organization. On the tenth, Captains Bruce, Will
iams, Wilkinson, and Alcorn offered and were accepted
in the order named. Bruce being elected major, his first
lieutenant, E. A. Rice, was elected captain of company

A, which then stood, Rice, captain; John S. Miller, first
lieutenant; J. F. Anderson, second lieutenant. Company

B, Williams, captain; Hugh O Neal, first lieutenant; M.
Bushey, second lieutenant. Company C, Wilkinson, cap
tain; C. F. Blake, first lieutenant, Edwin Hess, second
lieutenant. Company D, Alcorn, captain; James M. Mat-
ney, first lieutenant; John Osborne, second lieutenant.
The mustering officer was John K. Lamerick; the adju
tant-general of the command, 0. D. Hoxie.

On the eleventh of November, Major Bruce issued the
following order:

HEADQUARTERS SOUTHERN BATTALION OR. VOLS.,|
VANNOY S FERRY, November 11, 1855. j

Information having been received that armed parties are still in
the field with the avowed purpose of waging a war independent of
the executive of this territory, and in violation of law and general
order No. 11, issued by the governor October 20, 1855, to wit: "It is
therefore ordered that the commanding officers of the battalions
authorized by the proclamation of the governor of the fifteenth of
October instant, will enforce the disbanding of all armed parties not
duly enrolled into the service of the territory by virtue of said proc
lamation."

As the peace and prosperity of our country depends upon law-
and-order-abiding persons, it is, therefore, expected and required
that all persons not duly enrolled into the service of the territory by
virtue of the proclamation of the governor of the territory of Ore
gon, will disband in accordance with general order No. 10. It is
also expected and required that all persons belonging to the southern
battalion who have been regularly enrolled into the service of the
territory will assist in carrying out this order.

Men under persons assuming authority are hereby notified that
they are at liberty to enroll themselves under the proclamation, and,
according to law. It is confidently expected that persistence in vio
lation of this law will cease from and after this date, and that all

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 361

good citizens will see the necessity of cheerfully acquiescing in and
strictly conforming to the laws of our country.

JAMES BRUCE, Major.
Commanding Southern Battalion Oregon Mounted Volunteers.

The mustering of only four companies left a consider
able portion of the country without defense, which being
duty represented to the governor, he paid a visit to the
south, accompanied by Adjutant-General Barnum, about
the last of November; but the inspection only resulted in
the consolidation of the northern and southern battalions
into one regiment, to be known as the second regiment of
Oregon mounted volunteers. 19 Here again occurred an
amount of friction dangerous to the efficiency of the ser
vice through the election of regimental officers. The
command was given to Captain Williams, and the lieuten
ant-colonelcy to William J. Martin, major of the northern
battalion, who, in the estimation of many, was entitled to
be colonel. In all these matters the volunteers took a
lively interest.

The northern battalion, now a part of the second regi
ment of Oregon mounted volunteers, was officered by
companies as follows : Company A of Lane county, Joseph
Bailey, captain; Daniel W. Keith, first lieutenant; Cyre-
nus Mulkey, second lieutenant. Company B, Lane county,
Laban Buoy, captain; A. W. Patterson, first lieutenant; P.
C.Noland, second lieutenant. Company C of Linn county,
Jonathan Keeney, captain; A. W. Stannard, first lieuten
ant; Joseph Yates, second lieutenant. Company D of
Douglas county, Samuel Gordon, captain; S. B. Hadley,
first lieutenant; T. Prather, second lieutenant. Company
E of Umpqua county, W. W. Chapman, captain; Z. Dim-
mick, first lieutenant ; J. M. Merrick, second lieutenant. 20

19 This consolidation took place on the petition of William J. Martin, major north
ern battalion ; Edgar B. Stone, surgeon ; J. W. Dre\v. Aaron Rose, J. W. Smith, L. L.
Bradbury, S. F. Chadwick, P. F. Castleman, assistant quartermaster, and 8. B. Had
ley, first lieutenant company D, "and many others."

20 On the thirtieth of December Lieutenant Mulkey resigned, and Charles W. Me-
Clure was elected in his place. Lieutenant A. W. Patterson was transferred to the
medical department, and L. Poindexter elected in his place : Oregon journals, house,
1856-6, ap. 145.

362 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

The lettering was changed by the change of organization.

To go back a little: Immediately after the battle at
Hungry hill on Grave creek, Major Fitzgerald proceeded
to Fort Vancouver, and thence to The Dalles, where he
remained in garrison during the winter. The command
at Fort Lane was thus reduced to a single troop. Captain
Smith had agreed with the volunteer officers to meet them
at the Grave-creek house (Fort Bailey) about the ninth of
November, prepared to pursue and fight the Indians, and
in the meantime scouts from Bailey s company were to
find where they were in hiding ; for, as usual, after a bat
tle, they had abandoned their position silently and mys
teriously, to reappear in some unexpected quarter. But
before disappearing they had paid a visit to the reserva
tion and burned or destroyed all the property of the peo
ple upon it, including that of Chief Sam, and killed the
agency cattle. Soon after a number of houses on Jump-
Off- Joe creek were burned, hearing of which Martin s and
Bruce s commands, together with a small force of regulars
from Fort Jones, pursued and fell in with a band at the
mouth of Jump-Off-Joe creek, killing eight.

On the nineteenth, Major Bruce, with a part of his bat
talion, marched up Applegate creek in company with Cap
tain Judah and his troop from Fort Jones, but finding no
Indians, returned to headquarters on the twentieth. On
the twenty-first, Major Bruce ordered Captains Williams
and Alcorn, with their companies, to proceed down the
west side of Rogue river, while he, with Captains Rice
and Wilkinson and their commands, marched down the
opposite side by the way of Grave creek to The Meadows,
accompanied by Captain Judah and Major Martin. The
several commands arrived in the vicinity of the supposed
headquarters of the enemy at daylight on the twenty-fifth,
and sent out their spies to discover the Indian camp. Late
at night the spies reported the Indians, two or three hun
dred strong, on a bar of the river six miles above and very
difficult of access.

THE ROGUE EIVER WARS. 363

On the morning on the twenty-sixth, Captain Judah,
with forty-six regulars, and Major Martin, with one hun
dred volunteers, marched to a position opposite the Indian
camp, where, according to the plan of attack, they were to
be joined by Major Bruce and Captains Williams and
Alcorn, with two hundred and eighty -six volunteers.
These were to cross the river on a raft, surround the en
emy s camp, and give a signal, when Judah was to open
fire from his howitzer.

The "best laid schemes," it is, according to the poet,
which "gang aft aglee;" and so it was with this one con
certed with so much care by a "regular" officer. Wild
men, like birds, must be taken on the wing. They will
not wait to have salt put upon their tails. Major Bruce
was in the act of placing his raft in the water at a little
past noon, when the Indians opened fire on him from the
cover of the underbrush and timber on the east side. His
command was driven to seek shelter and defend itself until
dark, when it withdrew, and the whole force went into
camp.

It was then determined to send for supplies and reen-
forcements, and to force the Indians out of their strong
hold. On the first of December an express arrived from
Captain Smith, informing Judah that he had reached a
point twelve miles below Grave-creek house, but could
come no further on account of rain and snow upon the
mountains, and that in a few days more the mountains
would be impassable. A council being held, it was de
cided to return to headquarters to await a change in the
weather.

On the forth of December all arrived at the Grave-creek
house, where they learned of the governor s proclamation
uniting the two battalions into a regiment, and ordering
the election of officers as above mentioned. From here
Major Bruce proceeded to Fort Vannoy (headquarters),
where the election of colonel and lieutenant-colonel was
held on the sixth, resulting in the choice of Captain

364 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Williams for the first position, and Major Martin for the
second. On the seventh the several companies were ordered
to different parts of the valley, where grass for their horses
could be obtained (it being impossible to procure hay ), as
well as to afford protection to those localities.

But the companies were not permitted to remain in
quarters. During the absence of the volunteers early in
December, some roving bands of Indians were devastating
the settlements on the west side of the south Umpqua,
destroying fifteen houses, whose inmates had been com
pelled to take refuge in forts.

On the twenty-fourth, Captain Alcorn discovered and
attacked a camp on the north branch of Little Butte
creek, killing eight warriors and capturing some horses.
At about the same date Captain Rice found another camp
on the north bank of Rogue river, and attacked with
thirty men, fighting six hours, killing the adult males,
and taking captive the women and children, who were
sent to Fort Lane to be guarded.

" These two fights," wrote a correspondent of the Oregon
Statesman, "have blotted out Jake s band." That they
had done so was a cause of congratulation to the white
settlers, who could nevermore hope for security of life or
property while they were alive and free. But General
Wool in his official report stigmatized their proceedings as
murder, and drew a pathetic picture of the women and
children of the slaughtered Indians making their way to
Fort Lane "for protection," with their limbs frozen. That
some had frozen limbs was probably true, for the winter
was an unusually cold one, a circumstance as injurious to
the volunteers, many of whom were ill-clad, as to the
Indians. But war is a trade, whose masters cannot show
mercy, even to themselves, peace being obtained only
through relentless strife.

About the last of December, 1855, Major Bruce, being
informed by express from Stirling, that a party of Indians

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 365

had fortified themselves in three deserted log cabins on
Applegate creek, ordered Captains Rice and Alcorn to
prepare for a campaign in the mountains, and himself
proceeded to Fort Lane to ask the assistance of Captain
Smith with his howitzer. Obtaining the promise of this,
he made a forced march up to the forks of Applegate
creek with Rice s company of forty men on the first of
January, and on the second twenty miles further up the
creek, where he found an independent company of fifty
citizens from Stirling surrounding the cabins.

Nothing could be done before the arrival of the howitzer
on the afternoon of the fourth, the intervening time being
spent in snow from six to twelve inches deep, with severe
weather, the volunteers exchanging occasional shots with
the Indians. In the three days of waiting and suffering,
three Indians were killed and several wounded, while
Captain Rice lost one man killed, and the citizen company
three wounded.

On the arrival of Lieutenant Underwood from Fort
Lane, with forty regulars and the howitzer, a shell was
dropped into one of the cabins, wounding one Indian and
two children, when several were seen to retreat to another
cabin a few yards distant. A few more shells were thrown
without effect, when night coming on, the three several
companies were posted in a manner which was intended
to prevent an escape; the regulars being between the
Indians and the hills, and the volunteers and citizens on
two other sides, the lines almost meeting.

With all this precaution, about eleven o clock the In
dians crept up to the line of soldiers, firing and yelling.
In the first surprise a number broke through the line and
escaped to the hills; but the regulars recovering them
selves turned a. portion of them back towards the creek,
across which they succeeded in escaping, the sentinels
being unable to get at them by reason 1 of the thickets
along the stream, their trail being found by daylight to be
stained with blood.

366 INDIAN WAliti OF OREGON.

It was only the fighting men of the beseiged, however,
who had taken wing when the sentinels of the regular
force, not liking the cold, and perhaps not liking to fight
an unseen enemy, returned to camp; and before their
commander could order them back to their posts, the
Indian women with their children, and a pack animal,
also passed the line, and gained the hills.

On examining the cabins it was found that the Indians
had burned their dead, but had left a wounded boy to the
mercy of his captors. From him it was learned that the
party occupying the cabins belonged to chief Jo; and
the skill with which he had fortified his camp would have
defied the volunteer arms; it was only the howitzer which
could dislodge him. A subterranean passage had been
excavated leading from the cabins to the open country
and pits dug in each corner of the cabins deep enough
to stand in, with loop-holes under the bottom logs through
which they could shoot without being exposed; all of
which was surprising in savage military science, but was
probably learned from communication with white men.

Bruce wished to follow the trail of the Indians, but
Lieutenant Underwood declared his men unfit for travel
ing in the mountains; and the citizen company were
unprepared. They, therefore, returned to Stirling, and
Underwood to Fort Lane; while Bruce retired to Camp
Spencer, on the lower Applegate creek, to recruit the
horses, and give his company a much needed rest after
three days and nights of watching in snow and cold, re
maining there until the eighteenth. On that date, he was
joined by Captains O Neil and Alcorn, with a part of their
commands, making his available force seventy-three men,
rank and file. Alcorn, with thirty-eight men, took the
trail of the Indians up Applegate creek, while Bruce, with
O Niel and the remainder, marched up Williams creek.
Scouting continued for five days, when Bruce fell in with
two Indian spies, running them to camp, a distance of
twelve miles. Sending an express to hasten forward

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 367

O Neil, the major dismounted his men, twenty-one in all,
and stationing Alcorn with eleven men on the left of the
canon in which the enemy was encamped, himself occu
pied the right with only nine.

It was soon discovered that the Indians were sixty or
seventy strong. Firing became general, and both sides sus
tained losses. Wiley Cash was killed in this preliminary
engagement, and Daniel Richardson severely wounded.
Soon after these casualties, eight men were cut off from
the little force, when Bruce collected the ten left him and
charged the Indians, driving them out of the canon, re
lieving the men and securing a favorable position for him
self, though surrounded and cut off from his horses. Night
coming on, he was compelled to retreat towards these, but
found that half of them had been driven off before the
arrival of Captain O Niel, who was on the ground with
the news that he had sent Lieutenant Armstrong an hour
before dark with twenty-two men to engage the enemy on
the right, while with twenty men he had flanked their left
and fought them until dark.

The night being very dark and cold, the whole force
present withdrew to camp five miles distant, when it was
discovered that Lieutenant Armstrong had not returned.
Instead, he remained on the ground and renewed the
attack at daylight next morning, the Indians giving way
and retreating soon after daybreak. It was found that
they had burned their dead in the night, making it
impossible to determine their loss.

" On this day, January twenty-fourth," says Bruce in his
report, "the colonel, R. L. Williams, arrived in camp and
took the command." In the same report he declares that
great credit is due "the captains and lieutenants" for their
coolness and determined bravery in their several engage
ments. He might well have included all the men in his
command. The kind of duty they were required to per
form was a drudging and thankless service, which only
the desperate situation of the country could have induced

368 INDIAN WARS OF OliEGON.

them to engage in. Wrote Captain Rice after three
months in the field: "With the exception of two weeks
on Rogue river, the company has not camped four days at
one place."

During all the time since the battle of Hungry hill, the
companies which constituted the northern battalion under
W. J. Martin, major, and later lieutenant-colonel, were oc
cupied in scouting and guarding settlements, or escorting
trains and travelers. The stations in this part of the field
were Camas valley, twenty miles southwest of Roseburg,
tit the head of the Coquille, where Captain Bailey had his
winter quarters, with orders to furnish unprotected fami
lies in his vicinity with a sufficient force to render them
safe; Fort Smith, at the house of William Henry Smith,
on Cow creek, where twenty-five men were stationed to
escort trains between Umpqua canon and Fort Leland on
Grave creek; Camp Eliff, at the south end of the canon,
the station of Captain Buoy, who was instructed to protect
families and keep open the road between this point and
the crossing of Cow creek; Fort Bailey, five miles south
of the crossing of Cow creek, where Captain Keeney was
stationed to protect the road from there to Grave creek;
and Camp Gordon, where Captain Gordon commanded,
eight miles above the mouth of Cow creek. Captain W.
W. Chapman was ordered to divide his force, about fifty
men being at the mouth of the Umpqua, to keep a look
out on the reservation at that point, and also on the Coos
bay settlement, while thirty men were encamped on Ten-
Mile prairie, near the house of L. D. Kent.

To his captains, Major Martin issued the order to "take
no prisoners;" yet about Christmas time he had quite a
number of prisoners, chiefly women and children on his
hands, whom he directed Captain Buoy to escort to the
Grand Rond reservation in Yamhill county. Agent Met-
calf, however, refused to let them go, for the reason that
they were nearly related to the Indians on the Umpqua

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 369

reservation, and if removed before the main body of the
Indians, would make trouble, and defeat the plans of the
Indian department, which had trouble enough already to
reconcile the people of Polk county to the contemplated
reservation of their western border for Indian uses.

The following monthly report of Captain Chapman,
brief as it is, gives a more definite idea of the service than
pages of less succinct narrative :

December first, arrived at Little Meadows just at night ; second,
was ordered out next morning at daylight ; camped that night on
hill west of Whisky creek ; third, by four o clock P. M. reached
Grave creek ; lay there until the sixth ; seventh, marched through
the canon and reached Roseburg, thirty miles ; ninth, reached
Winchester ; tenth, High water ; eleventh, arrived at headquarters at
Oalipooya ; on the twenty-first, by order, moved to u Kellogg s " for
headquarters ; stationed forty-five men at Providence, at mouth of
Umpqua; selected thirty men for Kent s station in Ten-Mile prairie,
and ordered remainder to headquarters ; while selecting station
below, bad weather, snow, etc., set in, and stopped further progress.
It now became necessary to feed the grain I had laid in, in Novem
ber instead of grass, as ordered.

Such were the reports mere records of weary marches
over nearly impassable roads, in rain and snow, to ward off
possible attacks on isolated settlements, or pursue a small
band of Indians intent on robbing if not on murder; for
by robbery they must now live.

There was neither pay nor glory in that kind of warfare,
nothing but self-sacrifice, not even the excitement of good
fighting, for the Indians kept in seclusion excepting when
their spies reported an opportunity to capture a pack train,
or destroy property leit unguarded. This being the situa
tion, a majority of the regiment under Colonel Williams
applied for their discharge early in January, upon the
ground that their term of enlistment had expired, they
having been mustered into the service in October under
Colonel Ross, and transferred the following month to the
second regiment Oregon mounted volunteers. Their horses
being worn out, Colonel Williams suggested to Adjutant-

370 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

General Barnum that they be allowed their discharges, and
new recruits called for, who would be furnished with fresh
horses. An order was accordingly issued to that effect,
the enlistments being for three months, and most of the
old companies of the southern battalion again taking the
field.

During the several weeks before the recruited regiment
was ready for service, the southern companies performed
the duty of escorting trains and guarding "stations," as
fortified houses in which families had taken refuge were
called ; and this they did because they must, for to neglect
it was to consent to their destruction. For the Indian
leaders were still inflexible, and would listen to no over
tures. Indeed, when sometimes coming near enough in
battle to be addressed, the white commanders attempted
to reason with them, they instantly challenged them to
further combat, and refused to confer with them on the
subject of peace.

GHAPTEK IV.

KILLING OF WRIGHT AND POLAND LONG SIEGE OF THOSE WHO ESCAPED
Loss OF A PARTY OF RESCUERS FROM PORT ORFORD FEARS OF A FAMINE
TIMELY ARRIVAL OF REGULAR TROOPS UNDER COLONEL BUCHANAN ORGANIZA
TION OF MINUTE MEN ABBOTT S COMPANY ATTACKED INDIFFERENCE OF THE
REGULAR TROOPS TO THEIR SUFFERINGS PETITION OF JACKSON COUNTY TO
GENERAL WOOL His ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CIVIL AUTHORITIES RE-ORGANI
ZATION OF THE SECOND REGIMENT EXTRACT FROM THE WRITINGS OF J. M.
SUTTON EXTRACTS FROM REPORTS OF CAPTAINS O NEIL, BUSHEY, BUOY, GEORGE,
SHEFFIELD, WALLEN, CREIGHTON, HARRIS, AND COLONEL KELSEY ATTACK ON
THE MEADOWS THE INDIANS DISLODGED PL ANS OF THE UNITED STATES OFFI
CERS FOR PEACE A FIGHT AND A COUNCIL JOHN DETERMINED TO CONTINUE
HOSTILITIES SMITH ATTACKED NEAR THE MEADOWS THE BATTLE AND RELIEF

MOVEMENTS OF VOLUNTEERS SURRENDER OF THE INDIANS THEY ARE TAKEN
TO THE COAST RESERVATION DISCOMFORT AND DISCONTENT MILITARY ESTAB
LISHMENTFINAL CLOSE OF INDIAN WARS IN SOUTHWESTERN OREGON PRESENT
CONDITION OF THE INDIANS.

AT THE breaking out of war in the interior, Ben Wright,
in charge of the several bands below Coos bay, hastened
to make them acquainted with the order issued by Super
intendent Palmer, with whom they had made treaties, that
in order to prevent suspicions concerning their intentions,
and consequent collisions with white men, they must
remain upon their reservations and avoid every appear
ance of collusion with the Rogue-river bands. To those
roving Indians from the interior whom he found on the
coast he gave admonition, and ordered them back to their
own reserve; otherwise to submit to arrest. They com
plied, although insolently, and the tribes in his sub-agency
promised obedience and friendship. But on arriving at
the mouth of the Coquille he found the settlers alarmed
by appearances among these Indians. On conferring with
them, however, they professed friendship, and ascribed
their restlessness to the discovery of a camp of Rogue-river
women and children in their vicinity, and to knowing that

(371)

372 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

this circumstance might be construed against them. They
also exhibited fear lest the volunteers operating in the
Umpqua valley should come down upon them, to extermi
nate them, as they had been informed was their intention.
Wright succeeded in quieting, as he believed, their appre
hensions, and returned to Port Orford, appointing a local
agent, David Hall, to look after them.

Hall was a member of a company on its way to the
Coquille camp with the design of disarming or killing the
Indians, who had been guilty of the death, in 1854, of two
citizens, Venable and Burton, for which crime they had
gone unpunished, and who now, according to their belief,
were preparing for further mischief. But "Wright suc
ceeded in allaying this feeling, or at least in persuading
them to trust their safety to the Indian department and
the United States troops at Port Orford yet a little longer;
and by making one of them local agent, left the manage
ment of affairs largely to his discretion. The settlers not
being convinced of the good intentions of the Indians,
soon after removed their families to Empire City, where a
fortification had been erected. The miners at Randolph
also concealed their portable property, and removed to
Port Orford for safety; and at the mouth of Rogue river a
fortified house was prepared for a refuge in time of trouble.

These events occurred immediately after the outbreak in
Rogue-river valley. On the fifth of November Wright wrote
Major Reynolds at Port Orford, "I deem it expedient and
necessary to request you to allow the present force stationed
at Port Orford to remain as a means of enabling me to
carry out rny plans for the preservation of peace among
the Indians of my district, and for the security of white
citizens;" which request was granted.

Early in November, the Coos county people, being still
apprehensive, raised a company of nineteen rnen. who
applied to the local Indian agent, Hall, for authority to
defend the people of his district the governor having
discountenanced independent companies. On his author-

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 373

ity, and by agreement between the agent and themselves,
they carried out their design, as shown in the following
compact :

FORT KITCHEN, Coos County, O. T., November 6, 1855.
Articles of agreement made and entered into between David
Hall, local Indian agent for the Coquille district, on the part of the
United States, and the undersigned persons, to wit : Wo, the under
signed, do hereby agree to serve and obey all orders given us by
David Hall, local Indian agent for the Coquille Indians, for the pur
pose of promoting and maintaining peace between the Indians in
his charge and the settlers, or citizens of the United States in this
valley; also, to prevent other Indians now at war with the United
States from joining and forcing the Indians in this district into a
war with the United States; and to serve until such times as peace
may be declared, unless relieved or discharged, and to receive for
such service such pay and emoluments as the United States may
think fit to give us. ( Then follow nineteen names, and the affidavit
of the agent.)

I certify, on honor, that believing the public tranquility required
the measures I have adopted, I have contracted with and engaged
the above-named men to assist me in promoting and maintaining
the peace as above specified.

DAVID HALL,

Local Indian Agent, Coquille District, Coos County, O. T.
Witnesses: H. W. SANFOBD,

ELIJAH MOUTS, J. P.,

Coos County, Coquille Precinct, O. T.

The same day on which the agreement was signed a
site was selected on the Coquille river for the erection of
a fortification, which was named Fort Kitchen, and which
in a few days was so nearly picketed that it could be de
fended by half a dozen men. Captain Packwood then,
with less than a third of the little force, made a scout up
the south fork of the river on the twelfth of November to
look after the property of several settlers who were absent
from their places. They found that a house had been
robbed of a large amount of flour, and thereupon Hall
sent an express to Port Orford to notify sub-Indian agent
Ben Wright of the absence of the Indians from the reser
vation, of the robbery, and other matters connected there
with, and asking him to come to Coquille to settle with

374 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the Indians, and relieve the men he ( Hall ) had contracted
with to aid him in keeping the peace; the settlers above
having in the meantime returned and forted themselves at
the place of a Mr. Roland, after leaving their families at
Coos bay for safety.

Captain Pack wood, while waiting for Wright s appear
ance, remained at Fort Roland to watch the Indians, and
became convinced, although they pretended to be friendly,
they they were, if not in league with, at least very much
excited by the visits to them of the hostile Indians from
the Rogue-river camp. Pending Wright s arrival, Pack-
wood ordered the Indians off the reservation to be arrested,
two of them, Elk and Long John, to be treated as crimi
nals if attempting to escape, and shot. The whole band
were notified of the order, and that those who peaceably
obeyed would be treated as friends. John, however, man
aged to escape, and when the express returned from Port
Orford it brought only the news that Wright was absent
down the coast, and that a company of volunteers was
gone up to the big bend of Rogue river, about twenty-five
miles from Fort Roland, to watch the Indians. This
dearth of news left the local agent without instructions,
and Packwood released the prisoners he had taken, advis
ing all the band to go on the reserve and remain quiet.

On the twenty-second of November sixteen men from
Coos bay joined the Coquille guards at Fort Kitchen.
On the same day the local agent, Hall, was relieved by
William Chance, who accepted the services of the guards
and the sixteen recruits on the same conditions as those
agreed to by his predecessor, certifying on his honor that
he believed the public tranquility required the measures
adopted. The instructions issued to Packwood after the
flight of Long John directed him to treat all Indians, in
future, without a pass, as enemies, those belonging to chief
Washington s band having commenced hostilities by burn
ing the house of a Mr. Hoffman, robbing the house of J.
J. Hill of four hundred dollars worth of provisions, rob-

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 375

bing the house of Mr. Woodward, cutting adrift the ferry
boat at the crossing of the Coquille, with other similar
acts of enmity.

On the twenty-third Chance took a party of the guards
and went to the forks of the Coquille to try to persuade
Washington to go upon the reservation, but found the
chief had erected a barricade on the point between the
two branches of the river, where he could only be ap
proached by water at a great disadvantage. As the party
came in view he stationed himself, gun in hand, behind
a myrtle tree, and twice raised it to fire, but seeing several
rifles pointed in his direction refrained.

Chance hastened to send a friendly Indian to invite
Washington to a conference, which, after some parleying,
he consented to. Rumors were then sent to inform the
Indians up the river that they must go upon the reserva
tion if they would not be treated as suspects; after which
the agent returned to Fort Kitchen, while the guards with
him continued on to Fort Roland under their captain,
Pack wood.

On the following day, having received such orders, this
detachment, after allowing time for the Indians to move
as directed, marched down the north and east side of the
south fork, and meeting two Indians, one of whom was
armed with a gun, and who either through fear or hos
tility made as if he would have used it, shot them, killing
one and wounding the other, who escaped. Near the forks
of the river another Indian was wounded, after which the
company returned to Fort Kitchen.

Concerning these acts of the guards, Packwood explains,
in a report to Governor Curry, in which he relates with
great candor all that occurred, that the Indians had been
warned by sub-agent Wright in October to keep upon the
reservation ; also by David Wall, local agent, and by his
successor, William Chance; and that "it would have been
madness and folly to use gentle means any further," but
that force was necessarily resorted to. The order to the

c376 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

-Indians to remain on the reservation was given in their
Mown interest, as when the hostile Indians from the interior
made incursions into their country and committed depre
dations, they were likely to be suspected and treated as
enemies, all of which they perfectly understood, and in
Respite of which they continued to roam about the settle
ments.

-(. No news being received from Wright, and the local agent
^being reluctant to undertake disarming the Indians, the
IGoos bay men becoming alarmed for their families returned
Ihome December eleventh, leaving the guards as first or
ganized. The weather being now very cold in the moun-
teiins, which were covered with snow so that emissaries
&lt;ffom the Rogue-river Indians were believed to be barred
fjQut, the white people in Coos county recovered somewhat
-from their apprehensions, and the guards being stationed in
ithree several detachments among the settlements, allowed
ithemselves to hope for peace.

,niOn ma-king a visit to the beach where their provisions
were stored, two of the guards from Fort Roland found
aLong John in the cabin cooking, and other Indians on the
outside peering through the cracks. They demanded an ex
planation, which John endeavored to avert first by lying,
^cnd then by giving the war-whoop apparently to summon
-ethers to his aid, when he was shot. The men fearing an
$fktack, hastened back to camp, and again quiet reigned in
etbe Coquille region.

oilJOn the twenty-fourth of December, Wright arrived at
Fort Kitchen, spending three days with the Indians, who
,Jadid the blame of all the disturbances which had hap-
ifJsned upon the white people. They promised to remain
iqaaiet and obey orders. Wright accepted the Indian prot-
fMtations of innocence, and informed the guards that their
atkiganization must be approved by the governor in order
itoosecure any compensation for their services to his depart-
imnt, whereupon Captain Packwood discharged his com-
dpfatny, and made a report in due f6rm of his operations

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 377

and expenses, which was forwarded to the executive, who
was asked to recognize them as volunteers under his proc
lamation of November fifteenth. It was, however, only
at a later period, when Pack wood reorganized his company
under a proclamation of the executive as the "Coquille
Minute Men," that they came to be recognized as belong
ing to the volunteer service, their muster roll dating back
to November sixth.

This rather lengthy account of the volunteer service in
this region is introduced in this place because certain
statements were made derogatory to the people of this
isolated portion of Oregon, and to such an extent as to
influence public opinion to their injury. In a subsequent
communication to Governor Curry, speaking on this sub
ject, Packwood says:

We had just cause; and should it be urged that there was the
military at Port Orford, and consequently no necessity for organiz
ing a company, I would only refer to the fact that they remained
there after knowing our situation, and would, I believe, have re
mained there all the same had all the Indians of southern Oregon
been concentrating on us. And the military have never been used
in this portion of Oregon for the purpose of averting Indian hostili
ties, but only come on the field in treaty-making time, after the
exasperated citizens have assembled, conquered, and brought the
Indians to terms. There is another thing some persons take upon
themselves to do, and that is to decide that a community of people
are in no danger from Indian hostilities. The above decision has, I
believe, been made in our case. * * * There seems to be an
opinion afloat that several white men must lose their lives before
Indians are "hostile." I hold to a very different one, and consider
the following as hostile acts, especially when a chief and his baud
turns out to defend the perpetrators, to wit : breaking open and rob
bing houses; stealing ammunition, etc.; stealing blankets and other
articles; robbing cornfields; poisoning dogs (invaluable here); ob
stinately remaining off the reservation for the. purpose of harboring
Indians from the Umpqua, Cow creek, and Rogue river, and to
concoct a plan to exterminate the whites on this river. [Then
follows a narrative of his own escape from being killed when the
Ooquilles were exulting over the tidings of the massacres of white
families in Rogue-river valley.] * I found that nothing but

a mild, firm, and energetic course with the Indians here would

378 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

avert a war with them, as they knew all the particulars of the
Indian war in the interior; believed also from what had been told
them "by some white man" that the time had come when they
must either exterminate the whites, or the whites would extermi
nate them. Such was the impression on the minds of the Indians
here at that time. Their number of fighting men is forty-six to
fifty, and should a party of Rogue-river Indians have effected a
junction with them at the time, they could easily have overwhelmed
us with numbers. Our number at that time being eleven men near
the forks, and four men in the mountains. Our arms for defense
were nine long rifles, two government rifles, two shotguns, two
single-barreled pistols, and two revolving pistols. The Indians were
in proportion to their numbers nearly as well off as we were, both
in arms and ammunition, as the Klickitat tribe have been supply
ing them with both for the last two years.

This communication of a settler of a good degree of
intelligence and acquainted with Indian characteristics,
goes far to account for the feeling, quite universal at this
period, that the regular military authorities were indiffer
ent to the alarm felt by exposed settlements, and that they,
would not move to prevent hostilities, but only to " chas
tise." and then "protect" the Indians "after a few white
men had lost their lives."

About the time referred to in Packwood s report, Indian
Agent E. P. Drew, in charge of the Umpqua and Coos bay
Indians, became convinced that the latter were holding
communication with the hostiles, and made haste to collect
them on the reservation at the mouth of the Umpqua river,
where he placed over them a local agent. Shortly after he
found the settlers from Coos and Coquille valleys congre
gated at Empire City, and a company formed (those who
had resigned from the guards probably), to punish the
savages for fresh depredations. An attack was made on
them at Drolley s, on the lower branch of the Coquille,
four being killed, and four captured and hanged. This
chastisement seemed to have convinced these Indians of
the folly of attempting to follow the example of the Rogue-
rivers, for they remained quiet during the winter, being
closely watched and guarded.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 379

In the month of November, a company was raised
among the miners at Gold Beach and the southern coast
generally, with John Poland for captain. It did not be
long to the second regiment as organized under the procla
mation of the governor; but since the proclamation made
no provision for the defense of the coast counties, and since
the military force at Fort Orford was entirely inadequate,
even with the desire to be useful, which was said to be
lacking, to the task of guarding the lives and property of
the people, this company performed guard duty during
the period between the proclamation of the fifteenth of
November and that of January eighteenth, which dis
charged the northern and southern battalions, and called
for recruits.

The encampment of this company had been at the big
bend of Rogue river, between the interior and coast tribes,
during the winter, but in February it was moved down to
within a few miles of the coast settlements in order to re
cruit the company to the standard of sixty privates and
eleven officers, as ordered by the. governor, to fill up the
regiment by recruiting.

So quiet had been the coast tribes for some time that
suspicion of their intentions was almost forgotten; and on
the night of the twenty-second of February, an anniver
sary ball was given at Gold Beach, or Whaleshead, near
the mouth of the river, which was attended by Captain
Poland and the majority of his men, a few being left to
guard camp. Early on the morning of the t went} 7 -third,
before the dancers had returned to camp, the guard was
attacked with such suddenness and fury by a large num
ber of Indians that but two out of ten were able to escape.
One of these, Charles Foster, being concealed in the woods
near the scene of the massacre, was witness of much of
the terrible slaughter and mutilation, and able to identify
those concerned in it, who were seen to be such as lived
about the settlements, and were professedly friendly.

Ben Wright was then at the house of J. McGuire, about

380 INDIAN WARS OF OEEGON.

four miles from the coast, and between the volunteer camp
and Whaleshead. Early in the day, and while Captain
Poland was with him, Wright received a visit from some
Indians of the Mackanotins tribe, who had a village on
the south side of the river opposite McGuire s, who came
ostensibly to inform him that Enos, 1 a notorious half-breed,
who had been with the hostile Rogue-rivers all winter,
was in their camp, and they wished to have him arrested. 2

Without a suspicion of treachery, Wright and Poland
repaired to the Indian village, where they were immedi
ately seized and killed, with the most revolting blood-
thirstiness, being mutilated beyond recognition. Wright s
heart, as subsequently learned from the Indians them
selves, was cut out, cooked and eaten, in admiration of his
courage, which they hoped by this act of cannibalism to
make themselves able to emulate.

Every house on the river below big bend, sixty in all,
was burned that day, and twenty-six persons killed. The
persons who suffered were Ben Wright, Captain Poland,
Lieutenant B. Castle, P..McClusky, G. C. Holcomb, Henry
Lawrence, Joseph Wagoner, Joseph Wilkinson, Patrick
McCullough, E. W. Howe, J. H. Braun, Martin Reed,
George Reed, Lorenzo Warner, Samuel Hendrick, Nelson
Seaman. W. R. Tulles, John Idles, Joseph Leroc and two
sons, John Geisell and four children, while Mrs. Geisell and
two daughters were taken into captivity. Subsequently
to the first attack, Henry Bullen, L. W. Oliver, Daniel
Richardson, John Trickey, and Adolf Sinoldt were killed,
making thirty-one victims of this massacre. Seven differ
ent points on the south side of the river were attacked
within twelve hours, showing how well concerted was the
outbreak.

When the alarm was given at Gold Beach, some of the
officers of Captain Poland s company were still there, and

1 Indian Affairs Report, 1856, pp. 201-2; Oregon Statesman, March 11, 185C; Crescent
City Herald, extra, February 25, 1856.

2 Enos was hanged at Port Orford in 1857 for his part in the murder of Wright and
Poland. He was guide to Fremont in 1843.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 381

Relf Bledsoe, first lieutenant, was at once chosen to com
mand. He concentrated the men, women, and children to
the number of one hundred and thirty at the unfinished
fortification known as " Miners Fort," which they hastened
to complete and to stock with the provisions at hand, and
otherwise to prepare to stand a seige for seige it was likely
to be, with no force in that part of the country, either
regular or volunteer, sufficiently strong to deliver them.

Charles Foster by using great caution reached Port Or
ford, carrying the news of the outbreak. But Major Rey
nolds, in command of the post, dared not divide his handful
of men, nor would the citizens of Port Orford, only about
fifty in number at this time, consent to the withdrawal of
this force. They, however, dispatched a whaleboat down
the coast to open communication with the fort, which act
of kindness only brought with it further disaster, for the
boat was overturned in the surf, and the six citizens in it
drowned, their bodies being cut to pieces by the savages
who were watching their efforts to land, and who would
have butchered them had they lived to reach the shore.
The men who so generously sacrificed themselves for the
consolation of their fellows in misfortune, were H. C.
Gerow, a merchant of Port Orford, and formerly of New
York state; John O Brien, a miner; Sylvester Long, a
farmer; William Thompson and Richard Gay, boatmen,
and Felix McCue.

The boat not returning, Captain William Tichenor, the
founder of Port Orford, sent his schooner Nelly to bring
off the people of Whaleshead, but was prevented by
adverse winds from approaching the shore. Again, the
schooner Gold Beach, at a later date, left Crescent City
with a volunteer company, designing to attack the In
dians; but they, too, were prevented from landing, and
the inmates of the fort could only, with sinking hearts,
witness these repeated failures.

Arms were scarce at the fort, the Indians having cap
tured those of the volunteers, but they kept a careful

382 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

guard, and after a single attack on the twenty-fifth, the
Indians seldom approached within rifle shot, although the
rolling sand hills in the vicinity favored by sheltering
them from observation. Under cover of darkness, milk
for the children was sometimes obtained from the cows
feeding near the fort. Once an attempt was made to
gather potatoes from a field in daylight, but soon the men
employed discovered the wary foe creeping upon them
under the shelter of the sand dunes, and were forced to
retreat in haste to the fort, one man being killed and four
wounded before they reached cover. Whenever after this
an Indian s head was discovered peering over the edge of
a ridge it was shot at, and the marksmen took true aim.

Ten, twenty, thirty days passed, during which the silence
of death brooded over the country. Port Orford was the
only place in Oregon to which the news of the massacre
had been carried, and to send it to the governor at the
capital, or to San Francisco to the military authorities,
took time, when steamers made only monthly or bi-monthly
trips along the coast. The Indians, always well informed
of the movements of the volunteers, had seized upon that
period when the disbandment of companies, and the slow
recruiting of them rendered the state soldiery practically
useless, so that even after the news of the tragedy had
filtered through the Indians lines and reached the volun
teer camps, it found them unprepared to act.

Thus time wore on while the Indians waited for famine
and despair to place a hundred victims in their bloody
hands.

On the thirty-first day, ah ! what sound breaks the pain
ful silence of this tragic solitude? Fife and drum, and
the tramp of many feet! To the straining eyes of the im
prisoned inmates of the fort was revealed the ravishing
sight of two companies of the United States troops march
ing up from Fort Humboldt to their relief. Instantly the
Indians fled to the hills, and the people rushed out into
the free air with shouts of gladness.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 383

In the meantime, Governor Curry, being taught by the
Gold Beach disaster that a few hundred men could not
protect so large an extent of territory as southern Oregon
from a roving enemy, early in March authorized the
organization in exposed localities of companies of minute
men, and recognized those already formed as belonging to
this branch of the service.

Under this order George II. Abbott was engaged in the
recruiting service at Fort Johnson in Chetcoe valley early
in March, with the intention of going to the relief of the
Bledsoe command at Gold Beach, when he learned that
Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Buchanan of the regular army
had arrived at Crescent City by sea, and was marching up
the coast to take charge of the Indian war in southern
Oregon.

Abbott s company being only thirty-four strong, he
thought it prudent to hold back a little, and even re
mained three days in camp six miles north of Chetcoe
river to allow Buchanan s force to come up within support- t
ing distance. On the sixteenth of March the regulars
were only five miles in the rear, and the volunteers started
forward towards Pistol river, sixteen miles distant, which
was reached about two o clock on the morning of the seven
teenth, when preparations were made to attack an Indian
village at break of day. The village was found to be
abandoned, and was burned. Seeing two or three Indians
on the hills half a mile distant herding horses, Abbott
made a sortie with thirteen men to gain their attention
and capture their horses. But on coming near it was dis
covered that instead of two or three, at least fifty Indians
were in the immediate vicinity and more arriving with
every moment. A hasty retreat to the beach was effected,
the Indians following, and a runnrng fire was kept up
until within supporting distance of camp, when the In
dians were repulsed in a brisk skirmish. A messenger
was sent to Colonel Buchanan, while the enemy gradually
surrounded the volunteers, who, by sharpshooting, kept

384 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

them at a distance, while they selected a position natur
ally strong and erected an enclosure of logs, fifty feet
square and about four feet high. In this were placed
their provisions and water; the horses of the company
being picketed in open ground under cover by their guns.

About four o clock in the afternoon of the seventeenth
the Pistol-river Indians were reenforced by a body of
Rogue-rivers, mounted and on foot. At sunset the main
body began an approach from the mouth of Pistol river,
protecting their persons by rolling logs in front of them,
while smaller parties approached from the south along the
sand hills bordering the beach, and from the east over the
grassy flat where the animals were tethered.

The situation now appearing critical, Abbott threw out
a party of skirmishers under cover of a sand hill, on the
south, and leaving the horses to be defended by the fort,
took another small party and stationed himself among the
drift logs and sand drifts to oppose the main body of the
enemy. Contrary to Indian usage, the action was con
tinued after dark, the Indians charging the volunteers
with the most desperate courage and confidence, but suf
fering more losses than the white men, who as long as it
was light enough fought with rifles, and at close quarters
with revolvers, but in the darkness found double-barreled
shotguns most effective. In this night s fight Kirby Mil
ler, a recruit, was mortally wounded, dying in an hour
after being carried into the fort, and a citizen named
Sloan wounded slightly. During the night ten horses
and twenty mules arid equipments were captured by the
Indians.

Fighting continued with intermissions through the
eighteenth, and until two o clock P. M. of the nineteenth,
at which time Colonel Buchanan arrived, having moved
as slowly as if he had not been called upon for aid, and
saying in reply to suggestions, that he did not desire to
engage the Indians at Pistol river. On the last day T. J.
Sharp, an independent volunteer, was wounded, which

THE EOGUE RIVER WARS 385

comprised, with one dead and one other wounded, the
total loss of men in a three days fight. The Indian loss
was twelve killed, and several wounded. The bravery
displayed by both sides was very great, the Indians having
to advance in the face of a fortified foe, and the volunteers
having to defend themselves against six times their
numbers.

The indifference of Buchanan to the fatigues and suffer
ings of Abbott s party was a subject long dwelt on by the
settlers whom they were hastening to relieve, and who
resented the cold blooded manner in which the army
officer reproved the volunteers for " meddling with things
they did not understand." He might, they thought, have
shown some kindness, even while obeying General Wool s
order "not to recognize the volunteers in the field." He
was to show these un martial men how to conduct an
Indian war. We shall see presently how he did it.

The intermission of aggressive operations during the
interval between the order disbanding the two battalions
and the recruiting of the regiment, afforded much en
couragement to the enemy. The citizens of Jackson
county seeing that the business of the country was being
ruined, many persons having removed to the Wallamet in
consequence of the Indian troubles, and all merchantable
property being unsafe, whether in transit from Crescent
City, or in warehouses after arrival; also that volunteering
proceeded slowly, petitioned General Wool to v send a suf
ficient body of United States troops to southern Oregon to
protect the people, or end the war.

Ever since Wool had assumed command of the Pacific
department he had behaved with a degree of hauteur
towards civil authorities which had gained him the dislike
of every governor, and had occasioned some complaints to
the secretary of war, who had administered to him reproof
very irritating to his arbitrary nature. He was too good
a soldier, however, not to obey when commanded, and

386 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

when it was indicated to him that he should give bis per
sonal attention to Oregon and Washington, he had yielded
and come in person to look after army affairs in the north
west.

The first visit of the general to Vancouver was in
November, 1855, and he returned to San Francisco with
out communicating in any way with the governor of
Oregon. About midwinter he paid a second visit to Van
couver to inquire into the conduct of some of his own
officers who had so far forgotten themselves as to fight in
the same battles with volunteers even to call for the
assistance of volunteers. Again in March he returned,
accompanied by the troops intended to answer the petition
of Jackson county, and conquer the Indians at the same
time. It was while on his way to Vancouver that he left
at Crescent City, March eighth, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel
Buchanan, with officers and men to the number of ninety-
six, rank and file. On arriving at Vancouver he ordered
to Port Orford, Captain Auger of the fourth infantry, to
reenforce Major Reynolds of the third artillery, who was
directed to protect the friendly Indians and the army
stores at that place. Captain Floyd Jones, fourth infantry,
at Fort Humboldt, was ordered to Crescent City to protect
friendly Indians, and to guard army supply trains, a duty
performed for months by the volunteers. Captain Smith
of Fort Lane was directed to repair to Port Orford with
eighty dragoons, to make a junction with Buchanan, and
a general rendezvous was appointed in the Illinois valley,
where the superintendent of Indian affairs was to meet
the Indians in council after the troops had brought them
to reason, and the volunteers were prevented from harrass-
ing them. Such were the general s plans.

But these too deliberate movements did not commend
themselves to the governor or the people of Oregon. The
legislature of 1855-6 had elected a southern Oregon man,
J. K. Lamerick, brigadier-general, and, as was probably

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 387

intended, this concession to local pride and prejudice kept
aglow the fading fire of patriotism, and promoted the
recruiting of the southern battalion. There were those of
the north who found cause of complaint against Colonel
R. L. Williams, and when an election for colonel took
place, John Kelsey of the northern battalion was chosen
to that office, with W. W. Chapman, lieutenant-colonel.
Major Bruce retained his office in the southern battalion,
and William II. Latshaw was made major of the northern,
vice Martin resigned, to take a civil office.

At no time had military operations ceased, but some
companies had immediately reformed and kept the field
in detachments, guarding trains and settlements. In the
latter part of February, about the time of the uprising on
the coast, the Indians had appeared again in the Illinois
valley, killing two men and wounding three others, and
soon after shot a citizen named Guess, who was ploughing
in a field on Deer creek, his Avife and two children being
domiciled at the house of Dr. White, some distance away.
It was already night when news of the killing of Guess
was brought to Captain O Neil, who, with a detachment of
his company, was scouting in the vicinity ; but he set out
immediately to recover the body of the murdered man,
and convey it to his family. A description of that night s
ride, and the duty performed by O Neil and his company,
dramatically illustrates the lives and characters of the
volunteers. It is here condensed from the pen of J. M.
Sutton, himself a volunteer, who lived to write of those
troublous times, but who has long since passed over to the
silent majority:

The trail led through a forest which intensified the darkness.
Philip Weaver, who lived in the vicinity, acted as guide, and was
careful to report every place where an ambush might be feared,
when the captain would ride forward and through the pass with
two or three men before allowing the remainder to advance. Ar
riving at the most dangerous crossing of a deep ravine, Captain
O Neil directed Sergeant Stannis to take four men and go down the
gulch to a lower trail, while Corporal Geddes went above to another

388 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

crossing, when he would move on by the main trail, and all would
meet on the other side, thus giving an opportunity for some to
escape, or to rescue the others in case of an attack.

When he had reached half way to the bottom of the ravine the
horses gave unmistakable signs of smelling Indians, and the cap
tain, in a low voice, gave the order to trot briskly forward. They
were met at the bottom by a volley of rifle shots. Putting their
horses to the top of their speed, the company made a dash for the
opposite side in the darkness and gained the bank, the Indians
shouting and yelling. As soon as the volunteers were out of the
ambush they returned shots and yells. Leaving their horses in care
of a guard, they poured a brisk fire into the thicket where the In
dians were stationed, but without being able to take aim at any
thing. However, in a short time the Indians stopped firing and
were heard retreating up the opposite side of the ravine; and the
darkness not permitting a pursuit, the company, which had sus
tained no injury, pursued its way to the house of Dr. White, where
two men, neighbors, were found stationed midway between the house
and the horse corral, guarding both, while Mrs. Guess, not knowing
what was going on outside, sat waiting for her husband, ignorant of
though fearing the cause of his absence so far into the night.

The volunteers placed their horses, ready to mount, under guard,
and set out to look, or to feel in the darknes for the body of the mur
dered man, under the guidance of Mr. Weaver. As they neared the
field they heard the oxen with which Guess had been ploughing
still hitched to the plough running and surging around the field
in great terror. The captain divided his men, sending one squad to
the left hand side of the field, with orders to go up the outside to
the middle, and there leave all but two who were to climb the fence
and cross over to the middle of the ploughed ground, and there
await further orders, while he performed a similar movement on
the right. Cautiously each party filed up the sides of the fence to
the place where they were to cross and meet in the middle of the
field.

Not a sound could be heard save the dull measured tread of the
men, and an occasional rush and quick spasmodic snort of the oxen.
Soon was heard the anxiously expected " Here it is ! " and all was
again hushed and still. The oxen seemed to know that friends
were near, for they were now standing quietly by the fence and did
not move when Weaver went to them, but when they heard his
voice, with which they were familiar, they answered with low
plaintive lowing, while to make their recognition complete, they
tried to touch him with their noses as he passed before them.

When all was ready, four men took up the body on a stretcher
rudely constructed of rails, and preceded by a guard set out for the
house. Taking the body into a small room it was hurriedly pre
pared for burial, for it was now nearly dawn. Four bullets were

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 389

found to have penetrated the body from the front, one through the
heart, one through the left shoulder, the other two through the
breast. While the body was being prepared for burial, Weaver,
who had called upon Mrs. Guess, came into the room and said she
had asked if her husband was dead ; but that he had evaded the
question, as he would not tell her. No one could be found to per
form the painful office, and it devolved upon Captain O Neil, who,
as all who knew him will recollect, was no coward ; yet he shrunk
from this. But time was pressing and he must perform the sad
duty. How it was performed is not known, but that he told her
the terrible truth was soon evident from the anguished cries of the
widowed wife and fatherless children ; sounds deeply painful to all
who stood around that lifeless body on that February morning.

Such were the duties in which volunteers were month
after month engaged, their time being divided between
skirmishing with the enemy, protecting property, rescuing,
if possible, those in peril, burying the victims of savage
hate, and removing their helpless families to places of
safety. If they lacked the discipline of mercenary soldiers,
they did not lack either courage or sympathy.

The following brief reports found in some of the monthly
returns further illustrate the conduct of the war. Writes
Captain O Neil of how he spent the month of February:

The company for the past month, as will be seen by weeklj-
report, has been stationed on Applegate, and Illinois valley. The
most of the men have been continually on the move, scouting and
escorting pack trains from Illinois valley to Jacksonville. No gen
eral movements have been made toward the Indians this month,
the greatest number of men, in pursuance of order No. 22, having
been discharged, and recruits very hard to get. This month passed
out by mustering in of recruits on February 29, 50.

Captain Bushey writes:

February nineteenth, organized by electing captain, first and
second lieutenants, and first sergeant at headquarters ; remained in
camp until the twenty-fourth ; marched fifteen miles down Rogue
river ; twenty-fifth, marched to Fort Vannoy, crossed the river, and
went down two miles and camped ; twenty-sixth, captain and nine
men went as scouts to the mouth of Jump-Off-Joe creek, returning
in the evening ; no Indian signs discovered ; remained in camp
twenty-seventh, twentj T -eighth, and twenty-ninth, preparing for a
trip in the mountains.

390 JNDJAN WARS OF OREGON.

March first, captain, with a party of twenty-men, started into
the mountains ; second, discovered Indian trail and followed it to
near their camp on Wolf creek, about one mile from its mouth ; the
captain and two men went near the camp, and found from fifty to
one hundred men, women, and children ; third, sent one man back
with an express to Colonel Williams, then at Fort Vannoy ; the
same night Major Bruce arrived with all the troops around Camp
Vannoy ; fourth, found the Indians had moved camp up the creek ;
fifth, followed their trail ; Major Bruce arrived in the evening ; a
night attack was talked of, but thought to be not advisable ; sixth,
the company started back to Grave creek, and remained the seventh
and eighth ; returned to Vannoy s, and remained there in the
vicinity until the thirteenth, and up to the twentieth (except scout
ing parties), and jerked beef for a trip in the mountains ; passed
over a steep mountain two miles and joined Captains Kelsey and
Latshaw with about ninety men, and encamped for the night at a
place we supposed the Indians had camped in the night after the
battle of Hungry hill ; sixteenth, came back to near the Grave-
creek house ; seventeenth, back to Fort Vannoy ; eighteenth, a
special order, called No. 16, from General Lamerick, that Captain
Bushey s company, from and after this date, will hold themselves
in readiness to act as spies until otherwise directed.

Bushey s company performed the duty of spies during
March and April, the weather being most of the time
cold, with rain and snow alternately. Captain Buoy
reported for one month, from February twenty-fourth to
March twenty-fourth, nothing worthy of note accom
plished :

Received an order from General Lamerick to furnish twenty men
to escort government stores south. I complied with order, and the
stores were escorted to their destination. On the fourth of March
the detachment arrived in camp ail well. Reported plenty of In
dians south. Eighth of March, with forty men and five days pro
visions, started for big bend of Cow creek; gone six days; no fresh
Indian signs seen. Thirteenth, moved camp from Kent s to Wm.
McCully s, on the Olily, thinking to better my condition. From
thirteenth to twentieth nothing worthy of note. On the night of
the twenty-first the Indians made an inroad into settlements, shoot
ing several head of cattle, killing some. Our term of enlistment for
last time has just expired; and during last four weeks I have been
recruiting my company, consequently we have been in a confused
state, and have not been prepared to operate against the Indians as
desired, having a lack of men and ammunition, but now we have

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 391

men, some arms and ammunition, and we hope to render a good
account of ourselves in next report.

Captain George reported for the month of March :

March third left Camp Vannoy and moved to Fort Leland in the
night by a forced march. Next night went from Fort Leland to the
Six-Bit house. March fifth, marched back to Fort Leland. March
seventh, marched all night on foot. March ninth, left Fort Leland
and camped on Rogue river six miles below Camp Vannoy. March
eleventh, left camp and went to Deer creek by order of Major Bruce.
Out on scout and chasing Indians for three days, and returned to
camp below Vannoy s on the fourteenth. March seventeenth,
Captain George returned from furlough, bringing twelve recruits.
March nineteenth, all hands in camp to attend election. March
twenty-second, Lieutenant William Chaplin resigned. Sergeant F.
D. Chaplin discharged by order of General .T. K. Lamerick. March
twenty-third, F. M. Rhodes transferred from company C to Captain
M. M. Williams s company. Left camp six miles below Vannoy s
for Jacksonville. Camped near Jewett s ferry. March twenty-
fourth, started from Jewitt s before daylight; got as far as Colonel
T ; Vault s; were overtaken by an express from Major Bruce ordering
a return to Camp Vannoy; arrived at Camp Vannoy; were ordered
to Camp Hayes; arrived at Camp Hayes same evening. Twenty-
fifth, met with losses mentioned on next page. Twenty-ninth,
returned to Vannoy s.

The losses referred to in Captain George s report were
twenty horses with their equipments, and several rifles
and revolvers. They were lost in the engagement de
scribed below in Captain O Neil s report, previous to which
he was encamped in Illinois valley, and scouting.

Sunday, March twenty-third, whilst preparing to start an escort
with pack train to Fort Vannoy, an express came in camp reporting
two men killed by Indians on Slate creek, and a large band of
Indians making their way to Mr. Hayes house. Lieutenant Arm
strong, with his command numbering about fifty men, immediately
started, and on arriving within three hundred yards of the house, a
heavy fire was opened on all sides by the Indians, who had com
pletely surrounded Mr. Hayes house, and numbered near two hun
dred warriors. The order was immediately given to go through
and reach the house, which was promptly obeyed. On arriving at
it, and finding the family secure, the men immediately returned to
the place of their first attack. Discovered two men killed (John

392 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Davis and Alexander Caldwell), and one man (a packer) severely
wounded. The dead men were carried off by six men during a
heavy fire from the enemy. Had they done any good shooting,
many a life must have been sacrificed. The fight then became
general, which lasted until dark, when the Indians, after making a
great number of fires, and as we supposed, burning their dead, drew
off. An express was immediately dispatched to Major Bruce, and
likewise to the inhabitants of Illinois valley. Major Bruce, with all
the available forces under his command, arrived on the following
morning. On Tuesday, while preparing the whole command to
march in pursuit of the enemy, an express arrived reporting a pack
train robbed by Indians on Deer creek. Twenty-five men, well
armed and mounted, started direct for the place, Major Bruce with
the remainder flanking out in different directions. On arriving at
a low divide, a heavy cross fire was opened by the enemy who were
lying in ambush. Another engagement commenced. On the first
fire two of Captain George s company were killed, and two of Cap
tain O NeiPs slightly wounded. The men took their stations,
killing three Indians, sure. Major being on the point of outflanking
them, they scattered over the whole country, and not having a suf
ficient force to make a successful fight, Major Bruce with a portion
of each company, returned to Illinois valley to get the families
together for their safety. The remainder of the force returned to
Camp Hayes. Major Bruce, with men from each company, started
today with three pack trains to Fort Vannoy, and to get sufficient
provisions, as well as men to make a more successful attack, as the
Indians are in great force, and will require a strong number to strike
anything like a decisive blow.

( The loss sustained by O NeiPs company, besides the two men
already named, were a dozen horses and mules, with equipments
for half of them, six rifles and revolvers, and many blankets, all of
which, except the horses killed or wounded, went to enrich the
Indians.)

The Indians were driven farther south at this time by
operations in the Cow creek region, as we learn from the
report of Captain Edward Sheffield for the month of
March.

Fourteen men employed as spies ; sixteen employed building fort
at Smith s station on upper Cow creek. March first, twenty-six of
company employed escorting government train to Jacksonville.
Twenty men under first lieutenant stationed in lower Cow creek
valley. Remainder of company at Fort Smith. March sixth,
twenty-six of company on expedition down Grave creek under
Major Bruce. March twenty -fourth, twenty of company com-

THE ROGUE EWER WARS. 393

manded by Second Lieutenant Capron, with Major Latshaw s com
mand in a battle with the Indians on Cow creek, six miles below Fort
Smith. March twenty -eighth, thirty men commanded by Captain
Sheffield, with Major Latshaw s command on an expedition in the
Cow creek mountains. March thirtieth and thirty-first, detach
ment of thirty in the mountains. Detachment of fifteen stationed
in lower Cow-creek valley. Remainder of company at Fort Smith,
escorting trains, building fort, etc. William Dooley was killed in
battle of the twenty -fourth ; A. H. Woodruff and Thomas Gilmore,
wounded slightly.

By the promotion of Latshaw to major, the first lieu
tenant of his company, John M. Wallen, became captain.
Tn a reminiscence of the Rogue-river war, and Latshaw s
campaign in Cow creek valley, he writes as follows:

From Cow creek we followed the Indians six days. It was in
March, and the weather rough and blustery. One night we were
encamped in a canon, and expecting an attack, for the Indians
were near. Clubfooted David Wilson was our corporal. We burned
off the dead leaves from a small circle of ground, dug a hole, and
built a small fire in it, and when the ground was dry put out the
fire, and erected a small awning over it so he would not suffer from
cold. Wilson said: "I had taken my place, put my feet in the
hole, drawn my wraps around me, and taking my gun upon my
knee was ready for duty. The night settled down dark and dreary.
I had been on duty several hours, and was sitting there thinking of
the day s march, and the probability of the Indians attacking us.
At the same time I was raising the hammer of my gun, and lowering-
it to see how quickly and noiselessly it could be done. Suddenly a
flash ran down the barrel. I had the hammer back when the flash
came, and I pulled the trigger at the same instant bang ! bang !
the report of two guns mingled, but few who heard them knew that
more than one gun was fired. I called to the guard ; he answered
all is well. When I went to Captain Wallen s tent on being re
lieved, he said, Wilson, what did you shoot at? The guard says
you killed a mule; he heard it struggle. I answered, f wait, captain,
till morning. Half an hour later the Indians fired several times
into camp. We did not return the fire, as it was too dark to distin
guish any object. Next morning we found a dead Indian about
fifty yards from where I sat, shot through the head."

On the twentieth of March, Captain Buoy resigned, when
P. C. Noland was elected captain of his company. The
first return of Captain Nolaud has this by Captain Buoy:

394 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

On twenty-fourth of March just as a small detachment of my com
mand were ready to make an excursion into the adjacent mountains
(from Ten-Mile prairie), a messenger came running, stating that
the Indians were in Carnas valley. Forthwith we repaired to said
place, and found the beautiful little valley enveloped in a cloud of
smoke. The Indians had burned several houses, and killed some
stock, but had retired to the mountains. We followed, found and
chastised them, killing two, and wounding others. They stole nine
of our horses on the rounds.

With the coining of spring the Indians became more
active, although the weather was still unusually severe;
appearing occasionally in force, but more often in raiding
parties, which had the mysterious power of vanishing
when the volunteers came in sight, and generally of car
rying with them some property not their own. It was
only by the organization of independent companies that
it was possible to guard the settlements at a distance from
headquarters, although detachments were stationed at cer
tain points, as at Illinois valley, and at Hayes place in
Deer-creek valley. After the massacre at the mouth of
Rogue river, and the proclamation of the eleventh of
March calling for minute men, John Creighton of Port
Orford raised a company for this service, who gave a good
account of themselves in the following report:

In consequence of depredations committed by the Coquille
Indians deserted from the Port Orford reservation, I called out my
company of minute men for the purpose of chastising them, and to
induce them to return to the reserve at this place. On the twenty-
seventh of March I proceeded to the Coquille river, meeting some
Indians on the route, who fired on us and fled. Upon reaching the
mouth of that river, I found one tribe of Indians encamped there,
and attacked them on the morning of the thirtieth, routing them
with the loss on their part of fifteen men, all their canoes, arms,
provisions, etc., and took thirty-two women and children prisoners.
The latter I have sent to Port Orford, where they have been taken
in charge by Mr. Olney, Indian agent at that place. Learning that
there was a party of Indians near the forks of the river, I started
the same day for that place, and succeeded in killing three men be
longing to the " Jackson " tribe, also taking several prisoners, prin
cipally squaws and children. Since then I have been in pursuit of
others belonging to those tribes and a party of twenty-five from

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 395

Umpqua valley, who had been engaged in the difficulties there last
fall. We have succeeded in taking some four or five Umpquas, and
twenty Coquilles of Washington s tribe ; also twenty-three of the
north fork Indians. The company has been in actual service from
the twenty-sixth of March to the thirtieth day of April, both days
included. I have also stationed guards at Coquille, Sixes, and Elk
river ferries, according to request of S. S. Mann, quartermaster of
this place. These men are still on duty.

W. H. Harris of Coos bay was captain of a company, also
raised immediately after the Gold Beach massacre, or
about the twenty-eighth of February, and which was after
wards " recognized" by the governor, and continued in the
service under the new organization of recruits to the
southern army. In his report to the adjutant-general,
Harris wrote :

On the first day of March I set out with twenty men of my com
mand from Empire City to Port Orford, in view of forcing open a
communication between these two places. Every citizen on the
coast between Empire City and Port Orford had fled to one or the
other of these places, leaving their homes and property unprotected.
From best information I was advised that a party of Indians on the
Coquille were then preparing to make a descent upon this helpless
section, thus forsaken of its inhabitants, in view of seizing the un
protected property of our citizens as the spoils of the enemy. After
cooperating with the forces at Port Orford in such a way as would
best prevent a catastrophe thus fatal, I returned with my command
to Empire City, where I arrived on the tenth of March.

Believing that a party of disaffected Umpquas were scouting
between the waters of Coos and Coquille, in view of enlisting the
Coos bay Indians, I set out from Empire City on the fourteenth of
March with a detachment of twenty-one men. I proceeded with
my command up Coos river, and thence southwardly to the north
fork of the Coquille. At Burton prairie I saw the old camp of the
Indians I was in search of, but they had taken the alarm some
days previous, and had fled to the mountains. The exhausted state
of my men and supplies would not admit of pursuit, and I returned
with my command to Empire City on the twenty-fourth.

On the twenty-fifth of March I sent a detachment of ten men to
the upper Coquille to act in concert with Captain Creighton s com
pany in view of securing the friendly Indians in that quarter to the
charge and control of the Indian agent. This detachment was
under command of Lieutenant Foley, whom I joined in person at
the scene of action on the twenty -sixth. Having secured the pledge

396 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

of the friendly Indians in that quarter to submit to the agent, and
remove at his instance to Port Orford, I returned with my com
mand to Empire City on the first day of April.

A portion of the Indians at the forks of the Coquille deserted
their camps and fled to the mountains to avoid being removed by
the agent ; and as was then believed, joined the disaffected TJmp-
quas and Cow-creeks scouting upon the waters of the north fork.
On the sixteenth of April I set out with a detachment of thirty
men, with sufficient supplies for a thorough campaign in that
quarter. Making headquarters at Burton s prairie, I sent an ex
press to Mr. Seth Lount of Port Orford (then at Coquille, and
acting in the service of the Indian agent at Port Orford ), in view of
securing the removal of the Indians, with information that I was
proceeding against the disaffected Indians ( Coquilles and others ), in
the mountains. He sent a friendly Indian with the news that " the
Coquilles had better come in, or they would be killed." On the
receipt of this information the Coquilles came in, and the others
removed their encampment and fled. Finding that the Indians
were on the alert, and circumstances being unfavorable to any
further pursuit, I returned with my command to Empire City on
the twenty-seventh of April.

Learning that the agent was on his way with the Coquille In
dians to Port Orford, and fearing that his forces might not be suffi
cient to prevent a possible effort to escape on part of the Indians at
the mouth of the Coquille, I detached, on the twenty-eighth of
April, ten men to the aid of that undertaking, which detachment
returned to quarters the eighth of May. Having received informa
tion from the Coos bay Indians that a number of the Coquille In
dians had stolen away from the reserve at Port Orford, and were
hidden near Coos bay, I sent, April twenty-eight, under command
of Lieutenant Foley, a detachment of twelve men with instructions
of reduce the fugitives to obedience. The lieutenant with his com
mand succeeded in capturing the squad, which consisted of eight
men, six women, and three children, which where secured to the
proper authorities and forwarded to Port Orford, May second.
Meanwhile, I have furnished numerous escorts necessary for the
protection of the quartermaster and commissary s stores, with their
trains and other means of transportation from the Umpqua to this
place, and also from Eugene City to Port Orford.

The state of Indian affairs in this section of the coast country is
by no means of a settled nature. The Coos bay Indians have here
tofore acted in the most trustworthy manner. But the effort of the
agent in the removal to the mouth of the Umpqua is attended with
dissatisfaction on part of a large proportion of their number. They
understood, in their treaty with General Palmer, that they would
be permitted to remain on the bay for two years after the time of
treating before their removal. A part of the Indians have consented

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 397

to go and are gone, while the residue yet remain, and it is likely
that difficulties may yet arise.

Although I have not accomplished with my command as much
yet as I could have desired, you will nevertheless see from my re
port that I have by no means been idle. It would have been my
pride, if circumstances had afforded me the opportunity, of render
ing greater service to my country, but I must remain content with
the conviction that I have done the best I could considering the cir
cumstances which have attended niy command. I must say, in
conclusion, that it has been my aim to induce as much discipline
in my ranks as my ability afforded; and it is with pleasure that I
can speak in terms of high commendation both of the officers and
privates of my command. My company consists of forty -five men,
rank and file.

According to Captain W. A. Wilkinson s report for
April, and a part of May, he was employed during most
of this time in escort duty between Camp Vannoy, Fort
Leland, Camp Hayes, and Camp Wagoner, and in the spy
service; also in escorting government pack trains from
Crescent City mountain to Camp Yannoy. Captain James
Barnes spy company were in the field performing their
dangerous duty from the twenty-sixth of February to the
close of the campaign.

Thus every company of from thirty-five to sixty men
constituted a detached and often an independent com
mand, which, while obeying orders in a general way,
was forced to take the responsibility of conducting the
war, wherever the enemy were found, upon its own best
judgment, often for weeks at a time.

On the eleventh of April, Colonel Kelsey joined a de
tachment of Captain Robertson s company, and with
Barnes spy company and a detachment from Captain
Wallen s company, set out from Fort Leland, down Grave
creek, in search of the enemy, taking four days pro
visions, packed on mules. The following is a part of
Kelsey s report:

I accompanied the command in person. Camped that evening
about five miles below here (Fort Leland). Next morning took
the line of march over the creek, and camped on the night of the

398 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

twelfth on the east side of Mount Reuben. Some Indian signs dis
covered during the day. The company moved over Whisky creek
and camped that night on Mount Wilkinson. More Indian signs
discovered during the day. Captain Barnes, with a portion of his
spies, together with one man of Captain Robertson s detachment,
set out after supper over the mountain for the purpose of examining
the meadows and the bar on Rogue river for the Indians. Soon
after dark it commenced raining and snowing, and by the morning
of the fourteenth the snow was four inches deep on the mountain
where the spies were, and a dense fog hung on the meadows and
the bar. The snow continued to fall on the mountain ; so much so
that Captain Barnes considered it at that time not practicable to
attempt to reconnoiter the meadows and bar, and returned to camp
about nine o clock A. M. Captain Barnes and myself were still
anxious that the meadows and bar should be examined, and with
eight of his spies and two of Captain Robertson s company, I set
out down Rogue river to the meadows. At the same time I ordered
the remainder of the company back across Whisky creek, and we
proceeded down the river across the base of Mount Wilkinson,
about six miles to a high point that ran down to the river bank and
overlooked the whole country down to near the meadows, the
meadows being obscured from view by another point of the moun
tain also running down to near the meadows. The party now being
very much fatigued from the hard travel over a rough country,
Captain Barnes suggested the propriety of his taking four men and
going forward, and examining the bar and meadows. I remained
behind with the six men, and watched his movements, so that in
the event of the enemy discovering his movements and attempting
to cut him off, I could bring the men left with me to their assist
ance. As soon as Captain Barnes came out on the high ground a
signal gun was fired on the other side of the river near the bar. It
was now late in the morning, and frequently a storm of snow swept
by them ; and finding that they were discovered, he, with his men,
returned to me, when, being out of provisions, we abandoned the
examination in that quarter and returned to camp. We made the
hardest marches in this expedition of any I have been in since I
joined the army.

As late as the fifteenth of April the weather was still
cold, with rain and snowfalls of considerable depth on the
mountains. But Lainerick and Kelsey had determined
upon concentrating the regiment at or near the main
camp of the Indians at Big Meadows, apd attacking them
in force. The murder and mutilation of McDonald Hark-
ness, about the twenty-fifth, two miles from the meadows,

THE ROGUE EIVER WAES. 399

furnished fresh incentive to the volunteers in that neigh
borhood to strike back. The time seemed propitious, for
the Indians, so continuously harrassed by them, had begun
to show signs of weakness, some of the poorer bands being
not unwillingly taken prisoners and sent to Fort Lane,
where they were fed and protected.

On the sixteenth, Lieu tenant -Colonel Chapman and
Major Bruce moved with the entire southern battalion
down the south side of Rogue river towards the meadows;
the northern battalion passing down the north side entire,
with the exception of Captain Thomas W. Prather s spy
company, provisioned for thirty days; with Colonel Kel-
sey and Brigadier-General Lamerick in the field, Lamerick
having declared to the governor his intention to stay with
the enemy until they were subdued or starved out.

On encamping at Little Meadows on the twenty-first the
picket guard was fired upon. A force of forty men, ten
each from the companies of Noland, Sheffield, Robertson,
and Wallen, was ordered out to engage the Indians, who,
however, fled before them down a deep canon, under cover
of the thick underbrush, and were soon beyond reach.
Captain Barnes then went out with twenty-five picked men
to reconnoiter, and found that the Indians were encamped
in considerable numbers on a bar on the south side of the
river between Little and Big Meadows.

The effective force in the camp of the northern battalion
numbered two hundred and ten men. With a detach
ment of fifty men, Colonel Kelsey made a reconnoissance
on the morning of the twenty-second, having to cross a
deep canon and ascend a high mountain densely timbered
with fir and underwood, but having near the summit a
small prairie, near which he halted his command and sent
forward spies. They immediately returned with the in
formation that the enemy s camp was in plain view from
the prairie. Kelsey then moved forward to ascertain
whether or not the Indians were fortified, and was fired on
while taking observations. He drew up his men in order

400 INDIAN WAILS OF OREGON.

of battle, but after a few shots exchanged, the Indians
suddenly disappeared. A few moments later, however, the
pickets reported the Indians crossing the river in strength,
and it was thought prudent to retreat to camp. On the
following day Barnes, with his spy company, was unable
to discover anything further of importance. On the same
day the southern battalion arrived in camp, its available
force being three hundred and thirty-five men, swelling
the army to five hundred and forty-five men fit for duty.

Colonel Kelsey on the twenty-fourth, assisted by Major
Latshaw, led one hundred and fifty men of the northern
battalion towards the enemy, using a detachment of fifty
as a decoy to draw him into an engagement, when he was
fired on. At the same time, Major Bruce assisted by Ad
jutant J. M. Cranmer, led an equal number of the southern
battalion down to the Big Meadows to make a reconnois-
sance of that favorite position of the Indians, but found
none there as expected ; nor were the volunteers able to
discover them that day.

Again, on the twenty-fifth, tweiit} r -five men from the
northern battalion were sent to take a position on the high
ground northwest of camp, to note whether the enemy
passed up into the mountains to the west, and to discover,
if possible, what he was doing. At the same time, twenty-
five men from the southern battalion took a station on
high ground southeast of camp, to observe the enemy s
movements during the day. Nothing was discovered be
yond what was known, that the Indians numbered several
hundred men, women, and children.

About sundown on the twenty-sixth, the picket guard
observed Indians firing on some cattle belonging to the
regiment, which had strayed three-quarters of a mile from
camp, when Colonel Kelsey with one hundred men, imme
diately pursued them, they fleeing before him. It looked,
indeed, as if they could not be brought to battle, so easily
did they elude pursuit, and so difficult of access was their
encampment.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 401

On the twenty-seventh, however, Kelsey and Latshaw
took out another detachment of one hundred men from
the northern battalion; twenty-five of Captain Wallen s
company, under his command ; twenty-five from Robert
son s company, under Lieutenant Phillips; and the same
number each from Sheffield s and Noland s companies,
under their proper commanders. The sortie was made
before daylight in order to take possession of a deep canon
a mile west of the Indian camp, if possible, undiscovered,
and to bring on a battle by annoying the enemy from this
position, and decoying him into attacking on the east (the
river here running north for some distance ) side of the
river, which the spies had discovered to be well guarded
and dangerous to cross for several miles above and below.
Besides the hazard of crossing, the steep and rocky hills
on the west side left no room for the passage of troops.

Major Bruce and Adjutant Cranmer led forth another
detachment of one hundred and fifty men, from the south
ern battalion, and took a position on the elevated prairie
before mentioned, in order to be in the way of a retreat
should the Indians attempt it. This movement was also
made before daylight. With the coming of day a heavy
fog arose which concealed either of these forces from the
view of the enemy, enabling Kelsey to pass the only ex
posed point on his route without discovery; but which
cleared away suddenly soon after he had made the passage,
leaving the river in full view.

Contrary to expectation no Indians were found in the
canon; and in accordance with the determination of the
colonel in command, with the concurrence of the major,
and the volunteers, who were anxious to get at the enemy
they had pursued so toilsomely for months, this detach
ment made but a short pause, but proceeded another mile
and a half, under cover of fir aud oak timber, to a ridge
running down to the river, and sparsely covered with
trees, immediately opposite the bar on which the Indians
were encamped.

402 INDIAN WARS OF OBEGON.

When the Indians discovered the troops they were
within three hundred yards of their camp, with the river
between them. Instead of showing a disposition to fight,
the Indians were thrown into confusion. Many had not
yet come out of their wickiups. The women and children
were running hither and thither, in alarm. To escape the
heavy fire of the volunteers, these hid themselves in the
timber in the rear of their camp; while a portion of their
fighting force stationed themselves behind rocks and trees
and fought in defense of their camp; and another portion
took to the cover of the trees lining the river out of range
of the volunteers guns, to watch .the movements of the
attacking party.

So interested were they in these, that they failed to
discover Major Bruce s detachment which had hastened to
support Kelsey, until Captain George s company had de
livered a fire into their midst. Bruce was then stationed
on Kelsey s left, and firing was kept up all day, with the
result of a very considerable loss to the Indians. Ap
parently, nothing saved them from a total rout but the
river; and on the other hand the river cut off their re
treat. The loss to the volunteers in this engagement was
one man wounded in Wilkinson s company Elias D.
Mercer. That night the regiment encamped at the Big
Meadows.

The following morning Colonel Kelsey and Major Lat-
shaw took one hundred and fifty men and two canvas-
boats two miles below the battle ground to look for a
crossing of the river, with the design of scouring the
mountains in the vicinity of the enemy s camp ; while
Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman with an equal force took up
the position occupied the previous day, to prevent the es
cape of the Indians, as well as to divert their attention
from the movement below.

When the colonel s command reached the river, how
ever, he found that his purpose had been divined, and the
Indians were stationed in the thick timber ready to receive

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 403

him. He could only fire on them across the river, while
they were sheltered by trees; and after three hours of am
munition wasted, the volunteers returned to camp, with
one man wounded of Sheffield s company John Henry
Clifton. The Indian loss, so far as known, was two killed.

On the twenty-ninth of April, the wounded having been
sent to Camas valley under a heavy escort, and the Indians
having abandoned their position on the opposite side of
the river, the regiment crossed over and occupied it, find
ing seventy-five deserted camp fires, indicating a large
number of occupants. This was, indeed, the refuge to
which, during the winter, the predatory savages had
escaped after their successful raids into the settlements
and their robberies of pack trains. Here were found the
bones of numerous oxen slain, and the remains of hun
dreds of broken packages of provisions and ammunition.
The Indians had fared better than the volunteers, many
of whom were at that moment almost barefoot, with only
a blanket betwixt them and the weather, which still con
tinued stormy and cold.

As the spies reported the Indians gone down the river,
and as provisions were growing scarce in camp, with no
prospect of improvement in the weather, Colonel Kelsey,
so reporting, was ordered back to Fort Leland. It was
decided, however, to erect a fort at the meadows, and a
site was selected May first by Majors Bruce, Latshaw, and
Hoxie, and the companies of Captains Wilkinson, Keith,
Williams, and Blakesley were detailed to remain at the
meadows under Major Bruce to construct it, which fortifi
cation was known as Fort Lamerick. The companies of
Sheffield and Noland were ordered to Roseburg, via Camas
prairie, under Lieutenant-Colonel Chapman, while Robert
son, Miller, O Neil, Wallen, and Alcorn accompanied the
colonel to Fort Leland.

It will be observed that during the month occupied by
these events, the volunteers had received no aid from the

404 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

regular army. "I have good reason to believe," wrote
Lamerick to the governor, " that General Wool has issued
orders to the United States troops not to cooperate with
the volunteers. But," he added, "the officers of Fort Lane
told me they would, whenever they met me, most cordially
cooperate with any volunteers under my command."

Captain Smith of Fort Lane had been directed to make
a junction with Colonel Buchanan s force at Port Orford,
whence the united forces were to repair to the mouth of
the Illinois river to meet Superintendent Palmer and the
Indians of the Rogue-river valley, with whom a council
would be held. The time seemed propitious for making
propositions of peace, and the superintendent, who had all
the Indians of Oregon, and some of those of Washington,
on his hands in a state of insurrection, was anxious to get
these troubles settled for the good of all concerned, him
self included, for if he could not control his wards some
one else would be found who could be induced to under
take it.

In the contention between the adherents of General
Wool and the governors of Oregon and Washington as to
the best methods of restoring peace, Palmer had adopted
the views of the regular army that the volunteer service
kept up the irritation, and prevented a peace which was
desired by the Indians. That the Indian leaders did not
desire a peace, except on their own terms the absolute
possession of the country he did not believe. But the
volunteers had many times called out to them to come
and have a peace talk, which advances had invariably
been met with scoffs and taunts anything but indicatory
of a disposition to yield. And so the fighting went on ;
because the volunteers believed in preventing robberies and
massacres instead of chastising, in a half-hearted way, the
perpetrators after the crimes had been committed. But
now the United States authorities were making ready to
try the effect of their policy in bringing about the settle
ment of the Indian question in Oregon.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 405

Captain Smith moved with his eighty troopers from
Fort Lane about the thirteenth of April, a few days before
the volunteers marched to their destination at the meadows.
At the crossing of Rogue river, which was effected on a raft,
he found a camp of Indians, which he attacked and de
stroyed. Traveling through the mountains in rain and
snow was exceedingly trying to dragoons, whose horses
often were unable to carry them up the sharp and slippery
ascents, compelling them to climb on foot. Wrote one of
them: "We suffered much on the march. There was a
thick fog on the mountains, and the guide could not make
out the trail. We were seven days straying about, while
it rained the whole time. Our provisions ran out before
the weather cleared and we arrived at Port Orford." The
experience was at least useful as showing what the volun
teers had endured ever since October.

When Colonel Buchanan first arrived at the mouth of
Rogue river, some of his younger officers and the soldiers
plunged boldly into the forest in pursuit of the fleeing
savages, but finding the scrambling over hillocks and
through underbrush fatiguing, and the sting of arrows
annoying, had been glad afterwards to leave such work to
those who chose to perform it; while their chief spent
about a month in the effort to induce the Indians in
that region to go upon their reservations, without success.
After occupying a defensive attitude for this period of time v
on the twenty-sixth of April, Buchanan sent Lieutenant
Ord, with one hundred and twelve men, to destroy a vil
lage of the Mackanotins, eleven miles above Whaleshead,
and to force them upon the reservation, which was accom
plished with some fighting and loss of one soldier.

But there was plenty of fighting yet to be done in other
quarters, as appeared when Ord with sixty men, on his
way to Crescent City to escort a large train with army
stores to the mouth of Rogue river on the twenty-ninth,
was attacked at the Chetcoe river by about an equal
number of Indians, losing in the skirmish one man killed

406 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

and three wounded. The Indians were repulsed with a
loss of six killed, and were driven from the field. On
other occasions the same hostility was manifested, and
there seemed little hope for peace, without first conquering
the Indians.

The volunteers had at no time ceased operations, their
intention being to force the Indians upon the regulars,
who would deal with them according to the laws of civil
ized warfare. Captains Harris, Creighton, and Bledsoe
continually scouted in the mountains and along the
streams, giving the coast tribes no rest. Lieutenant Ab
bott surprised a party of Coquilles on that river in two
eanoes, and killed twelve, including one woman. Twice
had the Coquilles agreed to go and remain on their reser
vation, and twice ran away before they could be disposed
of. It seemed as if extermination was to be their fate, for
in no other way could they be subdued. Emissaries from
chief John of the Rogue-rivers, and Enos, his half-breed
ally, continually alarmed and agitated the fickle and ig
norant creatures, who acted without knowledge or reason,
and were governed by fear, first of one and then another
calamity; the worst of all being that of having to leave
the country where they were born.

Early in May, Buchanan moved the whole force of reg
ulars to Oak Flat, near the mouth of Illinois river. Among
the Indians who had surrendered or been taken prisoners,
these last being chiefly women and children, were some
who could be used as messengers to the various bands, to
urge them to meet him and the superintendent, to hold a
council with a view to establishing peace. After consider
able of this sort of correspondence, the chiefs finally came
together on the twenty-first of May at the place appointed,
no restraint being put upon them, John of Scott valley,
and his son; Rogue-river George; Limpy, and other chiefs
both of the Rogue river and Cow creek bands, to listen
to what the agents of the United States had to say which
they might be pleased to accept.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 407

The council was not a friendly one, notwithstanding
every effort had been made by the white chiefs to have it
appear so. It was evident that if the Indians surrendered
it would only be because they were weary of the present
state of warfare, and wanted time to recuperate, not that
they were convinced that it was for their good or even that
they might not eventually conquer.

"You are a great chief," said John to Colonel Buchanan.
"So am I. This is my country; I was in it when those
large trees were very small, not higher than my head.
My heart is sick with fighting, but I want to live in my
country. If the white people are willing, I will go back
to Deer creek and live among them as I used to do. They
can visit my camp, and I will visit theirs; but I will not
lay down my arms and go with you on the reserve. I will
fight. Good-by." Whereupon he took his departure un
restrained, as had been agreed upon.

The other chiefs, however, after much argument, con
sented to give up their arms on the twenty-sixth near the
meadows, and allowed themselves to be escorted, a part by
Captain Smith to the coast reservation, by the way of Fort
Lane, and the remainder to be escorted by other military
officers to Port Orford, thence to be conveyed by sea to the
reservation. One of the arguments which Captain Smith
had felt himself forced to use, was that of the hangman s
rope should any of them be taken with arms in their
hands roaming about the country.

On the twenty-sixth, as agreed upon, Smith was at the
rendezvous with his eighty dragoons to receive them.
That they failed to appear on that day did not give him
any uneasiness, the day being a stormy one and the moun
tain trails slippery. But during the evening he received
a visit from two Indian women, who brought him the in
telligence that he might expect an attack from John on
the following day. He now understood the failure of the
Indians to keep their appointment, and hastened to change
his camp from the low ground to higher, and to dispatch

408 JNDTAN WARS OF OREGON.

a courier to Colonel Buchanan, with a request for reen-
forcements, as John had sent word he would fight him.

The position to which Smith removed his camp was an
elevation, oblong in shape, between two small streams
entering the river from the northwest, and with an open
surface of about two hundred and fifty by fifty yards.
The south side was difficult of ascent, the north side still
more abrupt, the west barely approachable, while on the
east the ground sloped gently. Directly north of this
mound was a similar one, covered with trees, and within
rifle range. Between the first knoll and the river was a
narrow strip of bottom land, which was known as "The
Meadows."

The night of the twenty-sixth was a fatiguing one to
the soldiers, who were occupied, without sleep, in moving
camp and preparing for battle. Early on the twenty-
seventh, the Indians appeared in considerable force on the
north knoll, and directly forty warriors approached up the
eastern slope to Smith s camp, declaring that they had
come to lay down their arms, and asking to see the com
mandant in person; but Smith knew enough of their
plans to avoid being seized by them, simply directing
them to deposit their arms at a spot outside the camp.
Foiled in their design, the party retired, casting frowning
looks towards the howitzer, which was so planted as to
command the approach from the east. A detachment of
infantry, under Lieutenant Sweitzer, was guarding the
western approach, while the dragoons were stationed along
the front and rear. All this was observed and understood
by the forty warriors, and could be seen from the north
knoll as well.

Finding Smith prepared to fight, and that they would
not be allowed in camp with arms in their hands, the
Indians attacked about ten o clock, charging up the east
and west slopes at once, being repelled by the howitzer on
one side and by rifles on the other, when they sought the
cover of the trees on the north mound. Successive charges

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 409

were made during the day, chief John thundering forth
his orders in the voice of a stentor, and so clearly that
they were understood in Smith s camp. Not being able to
come up by the east slope on account of the howitzer, nor
the west on account of the riflemen, the Indians made
continued attempts to get into camp by escalade at the
more precipitous sides, keeping the dragoons busy to
prevent it, the}^ being, too, at a disadvantage on account
of the inferiority of their musketoons to the rifles of the
Indians. A number of the attacking party rolled back to
the bottom of the cliff, to annoy dragoons no more. Rifle
balls from the north mound compelled the soldiers to use
the dead bodies of horses as barricades; but no entrance
to camp was effected. Thus passed the long day of the
twenty-sixth. The night was spent in digging, without
the proper implements, rifle pits, arid erecting breastworks.
This was the second night the command had passed with
out sleep, food, or water.

On the twenty -eighth, the Indians renewed the attack.
To fatigue was now added the torture of thirst, it being
impossible to reach water without imperiling the com
mand. The wounded and the able men were alike suf
fering, a circumstance observed by the Indians with the
highest satisfaction, who called out frequently, "Mika hias
ticka chuck?" (You very much want water?) " Ticket, chuck?"
(Want water?) "Halo chuck, Boston!" (No water, white
man!) To this taunt, they added another (referring to
Captain Smith s threat at the council ground of hanging
all Indians found roaming with arms in their hands), that
they had ropes for every trooper, the soldiers not being-
worth the ammunition it would cost to shoot them; and
occasionally a rope was dangled over the breastworks with
the invitation to Captain Smith to hang himself, 3 delivered

3 Captain Smith had told John at the council ground in answer to his defiant utter
ances : " We will catch and hang you, sir ; but if you go on the reservation, you can
live in peace. Do you see those wagons, blankets, clothes, horses? You will have
everything good, plenty to eat, peace. If you do not come, do you see that rope,
sir?" So, John, when he had the captain at a disadvantage, retaliated: "Hello,

410 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

in fairly good English. Offensive epithets were continu
ally applied to the soldiers; for Indians, like Homer s
heroes, fight with the sword of the spirit, which is the
tongue, of course, as valiantly as with their arms. They
boasted that the soldiers and all their possessions would
soon fall into their hands. Such was their daring, that
they crawled up to the barricades and with hooked poles
drew away the soldiers blankets, who ventured not to
defend them.

By four o clock of the second day, a third of Smith s
command was killed or wounded, and yet no help had
came from Colonel Buchanan s camp. For some time the
firing had ceased on both sides, and the only sounds heard
in camp were the groans of the wounded and their cries
for water. About sundown the Indians held a council,
and planned to charge upon the white camp with their
whole force. It was an hour never to be forgotten a
silent and awful hour, in the expectation of speedy and
cruel death. 4

Presently, as by the baton of a concert leader, an infer
nal chorus burst forth the war-cries of each band in
John s host joining in one blood-curdling burst of fury,
and the rush was made up the east and west approaches.
To their surprise, the soldiers received them with cheers,
and returned the charge. The sight which inspired the
cheers and the charge had escaped the eyes of the Indians,
intent on the work before them. It was Captain Augur
with seventy-five men of company G, fourth infantry, who
was approaching through a ravine, and which charged the
Indians in the rear, as Smith met them in front. The en
gagement lasted no longer than fifteen minutes, when the
Indians fled to the adjoining hills, taking with them their
dead and wounded. Augur lost five men, whose bodies

Captain Smith ! You go on the reservation ? Hiyu chick chick ( a great many wagons,
good traveling); hiyu icta(mauy things); hiyu muck-a-muck (plenty to eat); hiyu
clotftes ( plenty to wear ) ; wake clatawa reservation ( if you do not go to the reservation ) ;
take lope Captain Smith ; do you see this lope, Captain Smith ? " Graver s Public Lift,
MS. 49.

* Letter of a soldier.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 411

were found next day, stripped naked and hung to trees,
with their eyes picked out, and otherwise fearfully muti
lated. In one part of the field was found a pile of ropes
made of green bark of trees, with which John expected to
have hnng all Smith s command.

The flight of the Indians when they had so great an
advantage both of position and numbers, is to be attrib
uted to alarm, lest a still larger force should be coming
up, or to the fickle nature of the savage, or to both to
gether. Chief John was a bolder, firmer, and stronger
man mentally than any chief west of the Cascade moun
tains. When dressed in civilized costume, he presented
an appearance not very different from that of many a
hard working farmer of Pennsylvania or Ohio of fifty
years of age. His features were marked by that expression
of grief, which is a common characteristic of savage coun
tenances after youth is past, intensified in his case, no
doubt, by disappointment at the. result of the war. In
strong contrast to him was his son, who possessed no in
dications of strength of any sort, and who had a lumpish,
stolid face, devoid of any expression. Yet like his father,
or in imitation of him, he on occasions displayed a desper
ate courage worthy of the admiration of the United States
military officers. Indians generally, however, after a valor
ous onset, run away on the first sign of a turn in affairs
favoring the enemy.

In the time occupied by the movements of the regulars,
the volunteers had not been idle. Some companies whose
time had expired were marched to Roseburg and dis
charged, their places being taken by companies of second
recruits, by order of the brigadier-general. Other com
panies were still serving out the time of their enlistment,
and even exceeding it. Captain Wallen s report shows
that his company marched to Fort Lamerick at the
meadows and back to Fort Leland, returning to the mead
ows, leaving a detachment as escort on the road from

412 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Canonville to Rogue river. The company returned from
the meadows to Roseburg via Camas valley, sending a de
tachment under Lieutenant McClure back to the meadows,
and marching to quarters at Fort Smith on Cow creek,
where it arrived by the end of the month.

Captain Keith had been ordered to meet Captain Smith
on Rogue river near the meadows, but being ill, requested
Wallen, whose time of enlistment had expired, to go in
his stead. The company commanded by him had not
been discharged, yet was under no obligation to obey
orders. On calling their attention to the situation, and
asking for volunteers from his own and other companies
similarly placed, one hundred and forty-five men were
found who would join him, only sixty-eight of whom
were accepted, the commissary stores being low, the re
mainder promising to follow as soon as provisioned.

On the twenty-seventh, the day that Smith was attacked,
Wallen s command came upon an encampment of the
hostiles, which fled before them without firing a gun, and
which proved to be composed of the bands of Limpy and
George, and some Galice-creek Indians, showing that they
were not in the fight with the regulars. A few Indian
women and children were captured on this occasion.

Two days later, on the twenty-ninth, the command was
surprised while resting under some trees at the noon halt
by some of John s band retreating from the battlefield,
and H. C. Huston of Kieth s company, wounded. An en
gagement then took place in which the Indians were
routed, and many fled down the river towards Buchanan s
camp, where they eventually surrendered themselves, being
driven to it by the volunteers.

The day following this skirmish, Daniel Cooley of Wal
len s company, was fired on and wounded while looking-
for his revolver lost in the battle. Proceeding on down
towards the meadows, the volunteers picked up many
bands of John s now scattered army. At Smith s camp
they found Superintendent Palmer, who had arrived to

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 413

take part in the expected surrender to the United States
officers. His messengers had been sent into the mountains
to collect the fugitives which the volunteers were guard
ing, and now offered him, to the number of several
hundred.

Instead of coming in as invited, John sent the volun
teers a challenge to engage in battle with them, which was
the more cheerfully accepted as the hundred men left be
hind at Fort Smith had come up. At the hour appointed
by John for the contest, the Indian warriors issued from
the cover of the woods in two lines, advancing directly
towards the volunteers until within one hundred and fifty
yards of their lines, when they halted, and at the word of
command from the chief, fired a voile} 7 , which, being
aimed too high, whistled harmlessly over the heads of the
white men, who returned the fire with a more sure aim
and deadlier result.. The Indians front line then took to
flight.

The second line stood until several volleys had been
fired, when panic seized them and they also retreated. In
vain the iron chief commanded in thunder tones; they
paid no heed to him, but ran until beyond the reach of
the guns of their white conquerors, when they squatted on
the ground in a circle, in the hot sunshine, and wailed
piteously for two hours in sorrow for a young chief who
had been killed, and over their own misfortunes. Once
more John endeavored to rally them, but the heart had
gone out of them. It was the old pathetic story, " By the
waters of Babylon they sat down and wept."

After a few hours spent in this manner, John sent word
by a woman to Captain Smith that he wished to surrender
if his people could be allowed to retain their guns. The
proposal was refused. He then sent his son to ask leave
to retain half their guns, which was also refused. Another
proposition to keep one-third of their arms was in like
manner negatived, and the Indians ordered to stack their
arms against a rock, or return with them and fight. John

414 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

himself at last came to entreat permission for his people
to keep some arms, and when lie was denied walked away
with a malediction on the hard turn-turn (heart) of the
white conqueror.

Towards night forty warriors laid their guns against the
rock, and small squads kept coming in until darkness set
tled down over the camp, when, to prevent any treacherous
movement, they were ordered to remain without camp, at
the peril of their lives, during the night. When morning
came the surrender was completed, John coming in last.
He set his gun against the rock, then suddenly grasped it,
but before he could raise it to his shoulder fifty rifles were
alined at his heart. He again relinquished it, and sul
lenly, with a defiant manner, took his place among the
prisoners. 5 At the final settlement, however, of the terms
of surrender, it was agreed that neither he nor any of his
people should suffer any punishment for acts committed
by them, nor be compelled to surrender any of the prop
erty captured by them during the war.

As soon as his wounded could be moved, Smith set off by
easy marches for the mouth of the river, embarrassed by
the number of his prisoners, which more than doubled
that of the regulars and volunteers. Some fears were ex
pressed that the Indians, even without guns, and only
armed with stones, might make an attack on numbers so
inferior; but no outbreak occurred on the passage.

On arriving at the mouth of Rogue river it was found
that a band of renegades from the coast tribes were about
attacking the camp of the miners at Gold Beach, which
again furnished work for the troops, who together killed
about forty of them before capturing the remainder. As
the regular camp moved from Rogue river to Port Orford,
it gathered up the Pistol-river and Chetco Indians, the
month of June being spent in this movement, which
ended at Port Orford, July second. On the ninth, about

5 This account of the surrender of John s band was given by Captain Wallen, who
was present. It agrees substantially with other accounts given at the time.

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 415

seven hundred, not including John s people, were placed
on board a vessel in charge of Captain Smith, to be taken
to Portland, and thence to the northern end of the coast
reservation in Polk county. Four hundred others, with
whom went John s band, and the Pistol-river and Chetco
bands, were sent to the southern end of the reservation
ma the valley of the Coquille and Roseburg, at which
place Captain Smith met them with his command as escort.

The removal of the Indians was not accomplished with
out much difficulty, the coast tribes being especially
troublesome, and escaping in parties of twos, threes, or
half dozens. At the reservation affairs did not move
smoothly. It was for the most part a rugged and heavily
timbered country, bounded by mountains on one side and
by the sea on the other. The Indians complained that the
forest did not afford game. The houses hastily erected
were uninviting. The shops, mills, farming machinery,
and other beneficent gifts promised by the terms of the
several treaties, were absent. The climate, though health
ful, was rude compared to the warm southern airs of the
Rogue-river country. Even the commissary department
was a failure, because congress delayed making appropria
tions, and the agents having to purchase on credit, were
forced by that circumstance, and the long distance over
which freight had to be hauled, to accept as flour the
sweepings of the mill in the Wallamet, or at the best shorts
ground over, 6 which the contractors thought good enough
for Indians.

It might here be said that during the Cayuse war, sim
ilar frauds were practiced upon the provisional govern
ment, and by the same mill at Oregon City. 7 When good
flour sold at Portland for eight dollars a barrel, the con
tractor who furnished the reservation charged the govern
ment twenty dollars a barrel for shorts, delivered at the

6 Report of Ross Browne in United States executive documents, 39, p. 42, thirty-fifth
congress, first session, volume IX.

7 Owned in 1856 by George Aberuethy and Robert Pentlaud ; in 1846-7 by Abernethy
and associates.

416 INDIAN WARM OF OREGON.

agency. The quarterly expenses of the Siletz reservation,
which the Indians found so undesirable, were over one
hundred thousand dollars, a large part of which sum was
expended in improvements. The agent, R. B. Metcalf,
found his pay to be so meager as to offer no inducement
for him to remain ; though he did remain, and come out
at the end of four years with forty thousand dollars.

These apparent abuses were known by and complained
of among the Indians before they came to the ears of the
people. The superintendent was powerless to prevent it,
und finally resigned before congress had made good the
obligations entered into between him and the Indians, a
new superintendent, A. F. Hedges, being appointed in his
place. This was also a source of disquiet among the In
dians, who had looked upon Palmer as the representative
of a powerful government, whose office was permanent
like that of one of their own chiefs. Hedges remained in
office but a few months, when he also resigned, and J. W.
Nesmith was appointed.

The constant cry of the Indians from the first was that
they were homesick, and longed to return to their native
country. Rogue-river Sam and others complained that
they had been deceived in the matter of their land in
southern Oregon; that by the treaty of 1853 the Table
Rock reservation had not been sold to the government,
but that they had been driven away from it by the war;
iind that Captain Smith, Superintendent Palmer, and the
agents, had promised them they should return to it when
the war was ended. Then why were they not permitted to
go back, now that there was no more war? They did not
like the country they were in; it was cold, sickly, and
destitute of game. They might as well be killed as die of
disease on the reservation.

They even suspected the agent of attempting to kill
them by poison, such was the effect of the food furnished
them, added to other causes of disease, namely, venereal
infection, change of climate, indolence, and over-eating.

THE ROGUE EIVER WARS 417

After a hospital was erected for them, they would not re
main in it more than two or three days, but would return
to their huts, and having nothing else to do, gamble away
the clothing furnished them, take cold, and die. What
ever the causes, out of the six hundred Rogue-river and
Cow-creek Indians taken to the Siletz reservation in 1856,
there remained in 1857 but three hundred and eighty-five.

John said to Ross Browne, appointed by the government
in 1857 to examine into the affairs of the Indian reserva
tions : " For my own part my heart is sick. Many of my
people have died since they came here; many are still
dying. There will soon be none left of us. Here the
mountains are covered with great forests; it is hard to get
through them. We have no game; we are sick at heart;
we are sad when we look on the graves of our families.
A long time ago we made a treaty with Palmer. There
was a piece of land at Table Rock that was ours. He said
it should remain ours, but that for the sake of peace, as
the white settlers were bad, we should leave it for a while.
When we signed the paper that was our understanding.
We now want to go back to our country. During the war
my heart was bad. Last winter, when the rain came and
we were all starving, it was still bad. Now it is good. I
will consent to live here one year more; after that I must
go home."

John was quite in earnest in his determination to return
to Table Rock, and by his incendiary councils kept up a
spirit of unrest and rebellion among the chiefs, which
caused the military authorities to send him and his son to
San Francisco to be confined in Fort Alcatraz. When the
steamship Columbia, which carried them, was off Hum-
boldt bay, they made an attempt to take the vessel that
they might escape to their beloved country. The sergeant,
in whose charge they were, being asleep in his berth,
about one o clock at night they attempted to take the
revolver with which he was armed, but awoke him in the
act. In the struggle which ensued, the chief throttling

418 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

the sergeant and his son endeavoring to disarm him, John
forgot his prudence and gave the terrifying war-whoop,
which startled every soul on board, and brought officers
and passengers to the scene. A fight for liberty followed,
in which a couple of passengers were wounded, and in
which the young chief received an injury which caused
him to lose a leg. After a residence of several years at
Alcatraz, John was pardoned and allowed to return to the
reservation, where, as he expressed it, he " could see again
his wife and daughters, who would tend upon him and
comb his hair."

The military establishments which were erected to guard
and control the Indians subsequent to their removal to the
reservation, were Fort Sheridan at the Grand Rond reser
vation in Yamhill county, which was abandoned in a few
years, or as soon as the Indians on this reserve could be
removed to the Siletz; a blockhouse at the Siletz agency
where a "corporal s guard" was stationed; Fort Hoskins
in King s valley, Benton county, thirty miles from the
agency, where a full company was stationed, and Fort
Umpqua, at the mouth of Urnpqua river, where it was
placed to intercept fugitives escaping from the reservation,
as well as to look after some still uncaptured bands, whose
depredations upon settlers and wars among themselves
were disquieting to the white inhabitants. At the latter
post were stationed at different times Major Scott and
Lieutenants Loraine, Piper, and Harding, the latter be
coming a general in the civil war.

The post at Port Orford was maintained for a year or
two. As late as March, 1858, the miners and settlers at
and near the mouth of Rouge river petitioned Governor
Curry to " recognize" a company of Gold Beach guards,
consisting of nineteen men under the command of Elisha
H. Meservey, which company was formed to protect the
white inhabitants from murder, arson, and robbery
crimes being committed by the several small mountain

THE ROGUE RIVER WARS. 419

tribes remaining at large. This company received the
approbation of the governor, serving until July.

In the meantime, the Indian superintendent was com
pelled to call upon the military department for aid, and
Lieutenant Ihrie, with special agent William Tichenor of
Port Orford, finally succeeded in collecting and forcing
upon the reservation these roving savages. On the march
of Lieutenant Ihrie s supply train from Pistol river, where
he was encamped, to Crescent City for provisions, the escort
was attacked and one soldier and ten animals . killed.
Tichenor, with a considerable number of prisoners, was
waiting for an escort to the reservation; but Ihrie being
unable to furnish it, and the Indians being very restless,
set out with a small party to conduct them out of the
dangerous vicinity. Above Rogue river the prisoners at
tempted an escape, and, in the struggle for the mastery,
fifteen of them were killed.

In his report to the superintendent, Tichenor says : " They
had eight days previously come off the war path, having
killed the remainder of the Sebanty band. They stated
the facts to me, telling me how they killed two little boys
of the band by throwing them into the river; describing
their struggling for life in the water, and how they beat
them under with stones. They were the most desperate
and murderous of all the Indians on the coast. As they
never intended to surrender or go on the reservation fifteen
of them were killed and two wounded. * * * Ten men
and twenty-five women and children yet remain in that
country, and I am ready to make further efforts to capture
them, or induce them to go on the reservation should you
again desire my services."

On the second of July, 1858, Captain Meservey of the
Gold Beach volunteers wrote to adjutant-general of Oregon:
"The last of the red men have been captured and shot,
only women and children spared, and they are en route
for the reserve. All further apprehension of danger is at
an end, and this portion of Oregon will rest in Iranquility."

420 INDIAN WARS OF ORE GO ft.

Thus ended the Indian wars in this quarter of Oregon.
They were unavoidable. They laid waste the homes of
white and red men alike; but the white race was com
pelled to make good its own and its enemy s losses, and
while it ploughed and planted and built, the Indians were
fed, nursed, and taught, so far as they would be. When a
large proportion had died off, who were unfit to live, the
remainder began a new growth and increase in numbers.
The children born on the reservation know no other home,
and even their elders are at length content, living a half
civilized life, which, compared with their former nomadic
existence, is one of indolent ease.

THE YAKIMA WAR

THE YAKIMA WAR.

CHAPTER I.

EXTENT OF THE HOSTILE CONFEEATION IN OREGON AND WASHINGTON THE YAKIMAS
MURDER MINERS DEATH OF BOLAN KAMIAKIN S CONFESSION TO A SPY THE
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR ACTING GOVERNOR MASON OF WASHINGTON TERRITORY
MAKES A REQUISITION UPON THE UNITED STATES FORTS MAJOR HALLER is OR
DERED INTO THE YAKIMA COUNTRY His BATTLE AND DEFEAT COMMENTS OF
GENERAL WOOL REENFORCEMENTS AND VOLUNTEERS CALLED FOR ACTION OF
GOVERNOR CURRY A REGIMENT CALLED OUT BY PROCLAMATION MAJOR RAINS
CAMPAIGN KAMIAKIN S LETTER RAINS REPLY WOOL S REMARKS ON RAINS
CAMPAIGN INDIFFERENCE OF THE REGULAR ARMY TO THE PERIL OF GOVERNOR
STEVENS OLNEY S FUTILE ATTEMPT TO PREVENT THE WALLA WALLAS AND CAY-
USES JOINING KAMIAKIN His ORDER TO THE SETTLERS RAYMOND S LETTER TO
THE VOLUNTEER COMMANDER FORT WALLA WALLA DESTROYED WITH ALL ITS
CONTENTS CURRY S VIEW OF His DUTY ORGANIZATION OF THE FIRST REGIMENT
OF OREGON MOUNTED VOLUNTEERS OCCUPATION OF THE WALLA WALLA VALLEY
BY OREGON FORCES THE BATTLE OF WALLA WALLA KILLING OF PEU-PEU-MOX-
MOX INDIGNITIES INFLICTED ON His BODY END OF FOUR DAYS FIGHTING THE
INDIANS RETIRE LOSSES ON BOTH SIDES FORT BENNETT ERECTED SAFE AR
RIVAL OF GOVERNOR STEVENS AT THE FORT His COURSE WITH THE CCEUR
D ALENES, SPOKANES, AND NEZ PERCES LOOKING GLASS TREACHEROUS SUCCESS
FUL COUNCILS RESIGNATION OF NESMITH THOS. CORNELIUS CHOSEN COLONEL
THE REGIMENT RECRUITED HARD FARE FIGHT WITH THE YAKIMAS Loss OF
MOUNTS REGIMENT DISBANDED BATTALION OF OREGON RANGERS ORGANIZED.

THE commencement of the Rogue-river war was not by
any means a merely local disturbance, but was a part of a
widely extended effort of the Indians of Oregon, and also
of Washington, to rid themselves of the presence of the
white race. A comparison of dates shows a widespread
combination of the tribes, from the Siskiyou mountains in
the south, to the southern boundary of British Columbia
in the north; and from the waters of the Pacific on the
west, to the springs of the Columbia on the east. Every
where was discontent, jealousy, and hatred of the superior
and encroaching civilization. That there was reason for
much of the discontent in treaties cornpulsarily made,
tardily ratified, and fraudulently executed, cannot be de-

(423)

424 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

nied; nor that the fault was with the government rather
than with the people. Every interest of the people in the
first instance was in favor of peace; but the peace once,
nay many times, broken, the preservation of their lives
and property forced upon them the alternative of war,
even to extermination, the end of which was, as we have
seen, first conquest, and finally banishment for the inferior
race. And all this, no matter where the responsibility
rested, was in consonance with that law of nature which
decrees the survival of the fittest.

About at the date of the outbreak in the Rogue-river
valley, several citizens of the Puget sound region traveling
to the Colville mines through the country of the Yakimas,
were murdered by that tribe. The apology offered for
their conduct subsequently was a story of outrages perpe
trated upon their women by these men a story never
believed by their acquaintances at home, and never proven.
Other small parties were also murdered.

As soon as the news of these murders reached sub-Indian
agent A. J. Bolan, who was on his way to the Spokane
country to meet Governor Stevens, who, it will be remem
bered, had, after the council of Walla Walla, continued
making treaties with the northern tribes of east Washing
ton and Montana, he turned back to investigate the matter.

prom The Dalles he proceeded to the Ahtanahm Cath
olic mission, near which Kamiakin had his home, to learn
from the chief himself the truth or falsity of the report.
In order to show his confidence in the good disposition of
the Yakimas, he traveled unattended, and consequently
only Indian evidence was obtainable of what occurred
between the agent and the chief. It was said that the
latter was insolent and threatening, and that Skloom, the
brother of Kamiakin, informed Bolan that a council of
war had been held in Grand Rond valley, at which he,
and Lawyer of the Nez Perces, had spoken in favor of
peace. The haughtiness and unfriendly manner of the

THE YAKIMA WAR. 425

chief were said to have annoyed Bolan, and that he threat
ened in his turn the punishment of the hostile Indians by
the United States government. However that may have
been, Bolan was murdered by a nephew of Kamiakin, son
of his half-brother Owhi, who, while pretending to escort
him, killed both the agent and his horse, and burned the
bodies, together with everything belonging to either.

Bolan not appearing at The Dalles at the expiration of
a sufficient time for his business, Nathan Olney, agent at
that place, dispatched a friendly Des Chutes chief as a spy
to discover the cause of the delay. To this chief Kamiakin
confided his intention and ability to carry on a war against
the white race, stating that he was prepared to fight for
five years if all were not sooner killed ; and that the tribes
which refused to join him would be treated as enemies,
and killed or enslaved. Father Brouillet also wrote to
Mr. Olney that ever since the treaty council in the spring,
war had been the absorbing topic among the Indians
about the Ahtanahm mission.

That the Yakimas were prepared for war was ascertained
to be quite true, large stores of powder having been pur
chased notwithstanding the legislative act against selling
arms and ammunition to the Indians, and everything
pointed to a combination of several powerful tribes, in
cluding the hitherto friendly Walla Wallas, and the
Spokanes.

Rumors continued to come in of murders committed
upon persons going to or returning from the Colville
mines, which being confirmed, towards the last of Septem
ber acting Governor Mason of Washington Territory
made a requisition upon Forts Steilacoom and Vancouver
for troops to protect the travel upon this route. This
requisition was honored by Major Rains, in charge of
Vancouver, ordering Brevet-Major Haller of The Dalles
into the Yakima country with a force of about one hun
dred men and a howitzer, to cooperate with a force of fifty
men under Lieutenant W. A. Slaughter from Steilacoom.

426 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

This force was .not sent to punish the Indians, but to
"inquire into" the cause of Kamiakin s hostility; and
General Wool, in May following, in a letter to the National
Intelligencer, charged Haller with "proceeding on his
mission without the precautions necessary against savage
warfare," certainly a contradiction of terms. Just as
certainly Haller did not expect so soon to find the Yaki-
mas prepared for battle; while, on the other hand, the
civil authorities of Oregon and Washington felt great
anxiety for the fate of the expedition, as, should it fail, a
long war might be apprehended.

About sixty miles from The Dalles, which post he had
left on the second of October, just as his command was
emerging from a deep ravine on Pisco river, Haller found
himself confronted on the afternoon of the sixth by fifteen
hundred Indians, who attacked him. The battle con
tinued until night, when he gained possession of a hill,
where he remained surrounded; the battle being renewed
on the morning of the seventh, and lasting all that day,
the troops being without water, and with little food.
During the second night a courier was dispatched to The
Dalles for reinforcements, and to apprise Major Rains of
the situation of Haller^s command.

Towards evening of the third day, the suffering from
thirst being unbearable, the cavalry horses and pack ani
mals were allowed to go free to find water and grass, only
as many horses as were necessary to move the wounded
and the ammunition being retained. Preparations were
also made to retreat towards The Dalles; the howitzer be
ing spiked and buried, and the baggage and provisions
burned. The command was organized in two divisions,
the advance under Haller with the wounded, and the rear
under Captain Russell, acting as guard. With character
istic indetermination, the Indians had withdrawn to a
sufficient distance to allow of such a movement; and but
for the guide in the darkness having led the advance off
the trail, so that fires had to be lighted to signal the rear

THE YAKIMA WAR. 427

guard, the departure of the troops might not have been
discovered. The fires having betrayed their flight to the
Indians, and not having been seen by Captain Russell,
Haller, with only half his command, was compelled to
keep up a running fight to within twenty-five miles of The
Dalles, where he was met by Lieutenant Day of the third
artillery, with forty-five men, who proceeded to the border
of the Yakiina country, and a block house was erected on
the Klickitat river. Slaughter s command from Fort
Steilacoom crossed the Cascades by the Nachess pass; but
finding a large force of Indians in the field, and learning
that Haller had been defeated, fell back to the west side of
the mountains. The loss sustained by Haller was five
men killed and seventeen wounded, besides a large amount
of property destroyed, abandoned^ and captured. As well
as could be ascertained, forty Indians were killed.

The reenforcement called for by Haller was one thou
sand men. The regular force immediately sent out was
three mountain howitzers, three hundred and fifteen artil
lery and infantry, and nineteen officers. It was at this
juncture of army affairs that Captain Fitzgerald, as before
mentioned, was ordered from Fort Lane, where he was
needed, to take station at The Dalles for its protection in
the absence of the garrison. Captain M. Malony was
ordered to the field from Fort Steilacoom, leaving only a
few men to guard the families at that point. Lieutenant
Williamson s escort of nineteen dragoons, which was at
Vancouver, was also pressed into the service under com
mand of Lieutenant Phil. Sheridan. But all these recruits
did not suffice to make a force equal to that demanded;
and Major Rains called upon Governor Mason for two
companies, and upon Governor Curry for four companies
of volunteers, to take the field as fast as raised and
equipped. At Vancouver there were only enough arms to
equip two Oregon companies, the other two being required
to find arms and equipments wherever they could. Gov
ernor Mason applied to the commanders of the Deeatur

428 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

and Jefferson Davis, two government vessels in Puget
sound, for arms, and obtained them, and the Washington
volunteers were stationed at various points west of the
Cascades for the defense of the settlements, except one
company organized to go to the relief of Governor Stevens,
still in the Blackfoot country.

Although Governor Curry did not refuse to furnish
Rains the four companies asked for, being satisfied that
a hostile combination existed among the Indians through
out the northwest, he issued his proclamation October
eleventh for eight companies, to act independently of, but
in conjunction with Major Rains, which companies he
placed in the field as rapidly as they were armed and sup
plied. The following is the governor s proclamation :

Whereas certain Indians have been guilty of the commission of
criminal offenses, and have combined and are now engaged in hos
tilities that threaten the peace and security of the frontier settle
ments ; and the chief in command of the military force of United
States in this district having made a requisition upon the executive
of this territory for a volunteer force to aid in suppressing the
attacks of said hostile Indians: I issue this my proclamation call
ing for eight companies of mounted volunteers, to remain in force
until duly discharged ; each company to consist of one captain, one
h rst lieutenant, one second lieutenant, four sergeants, four corporals,
and sixty privates, each volunteer, if possible, to furnish his own
horse, arms, and equipments ; each company to elect its own offi
cers , and rendezvous without delay on the right bank of the Will
amette river, opposite Portland, where they will be mustered into
service on reporting to the adjutant-general of the territory.

The following named counties are expected to make up the
number of men wanted, and in order to facilitate operations the
subjoined named gentlemen are respectfully requested to act as
enrolling officers in their respective counties :

Multnomah county, one company, Shubrick Norris ; Clackamas
county, one company, A. F. Hedges ; Washington county, one com
pany, W. S. Caldwell ; Yamhill county, one company, A. J. Hem-
bree; Marion county, one company, L. F. Grover; Polk county, one
company, Fred Waymire; Linn county, one company, L. S. Helm;
Wasco county, one company, O. Humason. The last named com
pany will organize at The Dalles, and report in writing to the adju
tant-general.

Our fellow-citizens who may be in possession of arms, rifles,
muskets, and revolvers, are most earnestly desired to turn them over

THE YAKTMA WAR. 429

to assistant Quartermaster-General A. Zeiber, or his agent, in order
that they may be appraised, and supply a deficiency that is most seri
ously experienced.

Given under my hand at Portland, this eleventh day of October,
A. D. 1855.

By the governor : GEO. L. CUBBY.

BENJAMIN F. HABDING,

Secretary of the Territory of Oregon.

On the thirtieth of October, Major Rains inarched for
the Yakima country with all the regular troops on the
Columbia and north of it, being reenforced also by two
companies of volunteers in the service of the United
States, and on the fourth of November was joined by
Colonel J. W. Nesmith, with four companies of independ
ent Oregon volunteers, the combined forces arriving in the
heart of the Yakima country on the seventh, and doing
some skirmishing on the eighth. But now that the
Indians were confronted with equal numbers, they were
more coy. Their horses being fresh could carry them
faster in flight than the horses of the cavalry could follow
in pursuit. Being driven up the Yakima to where the
river flows through a gap, they took a position well forti
fied upon the heights, but upon being charged by the
regular troops under Haller and Captain Augur, hurriedly
evacuated it, leaving it in their possession.

On the tenth, skirmishing was renewed, when Major
Armstrong of the Oregon volunteers, with the company
of Captain Hayden, and part of Captain Kelly s 1 company
under Lieutenant Hanna, made an attempt to surround
and charge the Indians in a defile of the hills, but owing
to a misunderstanding the charge was made at the wrong
point and failed, the Indians escaping among the rocks
and trees.

The troops now moved on to the Ahtanahm mission,
which was found deserted, but where Major Rains re
ceived a letter from Kamiakin, written by the hand of

1 After the election of Kelly to be lieutenant-colonel, Samuel B. Stafford com
manded this company.

430 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Father Pandozy, missionary, in which the chief made
overtures of friendship, on his own terms. As a part of
the history of the conduct of the war, the reply of Major
Rains to Kamiakin is here presented:

HEADQUARTERS YAKIMA EXPEDITION, }
ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION, November, 13, 1855. j
Kam-i-ah-kin, Hias Tyee of the Yakima Indians :

Your talk by Padre Pandozy is just received. You know me,
and I know you. You came among the white people and to my
house at The Dalles with Padre Pandozy and gave me a horse,
which I did not take, as Pan-a-wok had given Lieutenant Wood
another horse for him. You came in peace we come in war. And
why ? Because your land has drunk the blood of the white man,
and the Great Spirit requires it at your hand.

You make the sign of the cross, and pray to the God of truth for
mercy, and yet you lie when you say you " were very quiet, the
Americans were our friends; our hearts were not for war," until
Governor Stevens changed your feelings ; for long before the treaty,
which you agreed to, you proposed to the Walla Walla chief, Peu-
peu-mox-mox, to go to war, and kill off all the whites. He told us
so. You had been preparing for this purpose a very long time; and
your people agreed with the Cay uses, at the Walla Walla council,
before the treaty was made, to murder all the whites there, which
was only prevented by the Nez Perec s disagreeing.

You know that you murdered white men going to the mines who
had done you no injury, and you murder all persons, though no
white man had trespassed upon your lands. You sent me a delega
tion to stop Hamilton and Pierce settling in your country. I wrote
them a letter, and they left. You murdered your agent Bolan for
telling you the truth that the troops would come upon you for
these murders. Has his death prevented their coming? I sent a
.handful of soldiers into your country to inquire into the facts. It
was not expected that they should fight you, and they did right to
return back. Your foul deeds were seen by the eye of the Great
Spirit, who saw Cain when he killed his brother Abel, and cursed
him for it. Fugitives and vagabonds shall you also be, all that
remain of you, upon the face of the earth, as well as all who aid or
assist you, until you are gone.

You say now, " if we will be quiet, and make friendship you will
not war with us, but give a piece of land to all the tribes." We will
not be quiet, but war forever, until not a Yakima breathes in the
land he calls his own. The river only will we let retain this name
to show to all people that here the Yakimas once lived.

You say that you will fight us with thousands, and if vanquished,

THE TAKTMA WAE. 431

those of you that remain will kill all your women and children, and
then the country will be ours. The country is ours already, as you
must see from our assembled army ; for we intend to occupy it, and
make it too hot to hold you. We are braves, and no brave makes
war with women and children. You may kill them as you say, but
we will not; yet we are thirsting for your blood, and want your
warriors to meet us, and the warriors of all tribes wishing to help
you, at once to come. The snow is on the ground, and the crows
are hungry for food. Your men we have killed ; your horses and
your cattle do not afford them enough to eat. Your people shall not
catch salmon hereafter for you, for I will send soldiers to occupy
your fisheries, and fire upon you. Your cattle and your horses,
which you got from the white man, we will hunt up, and kill and
take them from you. The earth which drank the blood of the
white man, shed by your hands, shall grow no more wheat nor
roots for you, for we will destroy it. When the cloth that makes
your clothing, your guns, and your powder are gone, the white man
will make you no more. We looked upon you as our children and
tried to do you good. We would not have cheated you. The treaty
which you complain of, though signed by you, gave you too much
for your lands, which are most all worthless to the white man ; but
we are not sorry, for we are able to give, and it would have benefited
you. After you signed the treaty with Governor Stevens and Gen
eral Palmer, had you have told us that you did not wish to abide by
it, it would have been listened to. We wanted to instruct you in
all our learning ; to make axes, ploughs, and hoes to cultivate the
ground ; blankets to keep you from the cold ; steamboats and steam-
wagons which fly along swifter that the birds fly, and to use the
lightning which makes the thunder in the heavens to carry talk,
and serve as a servant. William Chinook at The Dalles, Lawyer,
chief of the ISTez Perec s, Sticcas, and We-atti-natti-timine, bias tyee
of the Cayuses, and many others of their people, can tell you what
I say is true. You, a few people, we can see with our glasses a long
way off, while the whites are as the stars in the heavens, or leaves
of the trees in summer time. Our warriors in the field are many,
as you must see ; but if not enough, a thousand for every one more
will be sent to hunt you, and to kill you ; and my kind advice to
you, as you will see, is to scatter yourselves among the Indian tribes
more peaceable, and there forget you ever were Yakimas.

G. J. RAINS, Major, U. S. A.
Brigadier-General W. T., commanding troops in the field.

Some skirmishing on the march resulted only in the
loss of fifty-four cavalry horses, which was party repaired
by captures from the Indians. Two soldiers were drowned
in the Yakima river, and two volunteers of Captain Cor-

432 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

nelius company wounded. Snow had fallen on the moun
tains to a depth of two or three feet, and the Indians being
scattered, Rains returned to The Dalles, and thence, on the
twenty -fourth of November, to Vancouver, to report to Gen
eral Wool, while Colonel Nesmith proceeded with the Ore
gon volunteers to Walla Walla.

General Wool, in his letter to the National Intelligencer,
speaking of the Yakima campaign, said that Rains had
ample force, without the volunteers, to have defeated all
the Indians in the country, but that the major "partaking
somewhat of the alarm pervading the country, increased
and stimulated by political demagogues," called for two
companies from Washington, and four from Oregon, but
that Governor Curry called for a regiment which was not,
nor any part of it, "in any sense of the term, necessary to
defend the inhabitants of Oregon." Having arraigned
the major and Oregon s governor in these very positive
terms, he explained and justified his own course, saying
that as soon as he was informed of Major Haller s defeat,
which "created great excitement and alarm throughout
Oregon and Washington, lest all the Indian tribes in the
territories should at once combine and come down upon
the settlement," he had ordered all the disposable troops
at his command to the seat of war, and had followed in
person, at the same time calling upon the United States
government "for at least an additional regiment."

In this connection the logical reader is prone to inquire
why it was proper for the army to believe in the threatened
danger to such an extent as to need another regiment, and
not the governor of Oregon? Months must pass before
the regiment from the east could be placed in the field,
while Oregon could place one there in ten days time.

The general further related that he arrived at Vancou
ver on the seventeenth of November, having been detained
on the passage from San Francisco eleven days by gales,
storms, and a fire, which crippled the steamer on which

THE YAKIMA WAR. 433

he had taken passage, by which she was very nearly lost.
He was anxious, he said, to establish a post at Walla
Walla, "in order to prevent a war against the Walla
Wallas by the troops of Governor Curry;" but that an
inspection of the government troops and animals dis
covered the men to be without proper clothing, and the
animals, owing to the previous expeditions of Haller and
Rains, unfit for service. Still he would have taken posses
sion of the Walla Walla country before winter set in, and
directed the chief quartermaster to procure, if possible,
the means of transportation; but this could not be ob
tained without great expense and delay, owing to the
country having been drained of resources by the requisi
tions of Governor Curry, which compelled him to bring
wagons, horses, mules, boats, and forage from California.
Before they could arrive the Columbia river was closed by
ice, and communication with the country east of the
mountains cut off, while he was himself ice-bound at
Vancouver for three weeks, during which he was unable
to communicate either with The Dalles or San Francisco.
No reference was made to the fact that Governor Stevens
with a small party was in the Blackfoot or Coeur d Alene
country, unable, presumably, to come through the hostile
tribes who were determined upon cutting him off; nor to
the fact that acting Governor Mason had intimated to the
military authorities at Vancouver that he desired them to
do something for the relief of Stevens, and had at last
caused to be raised a company for this purpose, which was
commanded by special Indian agent B. F. Shaw, successor
to the murdered Bolan. But a single company of fifty
men could not go through the hostile countries, and there
were other reasons for the action of Governor Curry which
the general ignored. Wool, against the earnest protest of
Rains, disbanded the company raised for the relief of
Stevens, and mustered into the service of the United
States, sending a courier to the Blackfoot country to ad
vise Stevens to return to Washington territory by the way
of New York and the Isthmus of Panama!

434 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

Not all of this was known to Governor Curry when he
ordered the Oregon troops to Walla Walla, but he in
cluded among his reasons for occupying the Walla Walla
country, the situation of the governor and superintendent
of Indian affairs of Washington territory.

On learning the defeat of Haller in the Yakima country,
Nathan Olney, sub-Indian agent at The Dalles, hastened
to Walla Walla, in order, if he might, to prevent a com
bination of the Oregon Indians with the Yakimas, ru
mors being abroad that the Walla Wallas, Cayuses, and
Des Chutes were disaffected and unfriendly. He reported
to R. R. Thompson, in charge, that he found Peu-peu-mox-
niox encamped on the north side of the Columbia, which
circumstance he construed as unfavorable, although by
the terms of the treaty the chief was entitled to the privi
lege of occupying a trading post at the mouth of the
Yakima river for a period of five years; or for a period of
one year from the ratification of the treaty, of occupying
any tract in possession at that time. As the treaty had
not yet been ratified, he had the unquestioned right to
reside in any part of his own country until the sale was
confirmed. But Olney communicated to his superior that
in his judgment all the movements of Peu-peu-mox-mox
indicated a determination to join the Yakimas in a war
against the white race; and Thompson agreed with him,
because the Walla Walla chief had, in the month of Sep
tember, when Bolan was killed, declared to him that the
Walla Walla valley had not been sold.

Olney, on observing these signs, resolved to remove so
far as possible all cause of hostilities until such time as
the United States government should have fulfilled its
part of the treaty obligations, and to remove the white set
tlers out of the country. A conference being held with
McKinlay, Anderson, and Sinclair, officers of the Hudson s
Bay Company, it was decided that before leaving the
country a large amount of ammunition in store at the fort
should be destroyed to prevent it from falling into the

THE YAKIMA WAE. 435

hands of the Indians, which was accordingly done by
throwing it into the Columbia river, Olney giving an
official receipt for it, and relieving the officer in charge,
Mr. James Sinclair, of all responsibility for its loss. The
fort contained at this time Hudson s bay goods to the
amount of thirty-seven thousand dollars, and a large
amount of government stores left there by Stevens when
he proceeded to the Blackfoot country. All this property
was placed in charge of a friendly Walla Walla chief, and
Olney issued the following order:

FORT WALLA WALLA, October 12, 1855.
To the Settlers in the Walla Walla and Umatilla Valleys :

I am of the opinion that the Indians in this vicinity are about to
join in the war commenced upon the whites on the north side of the
Columbia by the Yakimas and others. In view of such an event, I
have written to the commanding officer at The Dalles for a military
force to escort you out of the country. You will, therefore, hold
yourself in readiness to go on the arrival of such escort. Mean
while, you will take such precautionary steps as seem to you best
calculated to insure your safety until the arrival of said force.

I do not deem it advisable to make a rush, all at once, to get out
of the country, as it would cause an alarm among the Indians that
might cause an immediate outbreak.

NATHAN OLNEY,
Indian Agent.

Two days later the following letter was sent to the com
mander of the volunteer force supposed to be en route to
the Walla Walla valley, where the dispatch was dated:

November 14, 1855.

SIB : However urgent and important the news I have to com
municate, I almost despaired to dispatch any from want of hands
who were willing to risk life at this critical time ; but Mr. McBean
came to my assistance and offered the services of his son John, who,
in company with another man, will be the bearer of this. The
news is gloomy and very different from what I had reason to expect
when I left The Dalles on my way hither. Serpent Jaune ( Peu-peu-
mox-mox ) has shown his colors, and is a declared foe to the Ameri
cans. He has taken possession of the fort and pillaged it, govern
ment as well as Hudson s Bay Company s property; has placed
himself on the south side of the Walla Walla river, on the hills,
guarding the road with a force, it is said, of a thousand.

436 INDIAN WARS OF OREGON.

The young men on the Umatilla river are disposed for war, and
John Whitford and Tolman instigate them to it. The chiefs of that
place, at least the majority of them, are on the balance, and have
not yet decided; but Stockalah and Welaptelekt, with their people,
have joined the Cay uses, and are doing all in their power to have
them join against the Americans. The chiefs of this valley have
remained firm and will not join the unfriendly Indians. Their con
duct, since Mr. Olney s departure, has been praiseworthy, and did
all they could to prevent Mr. Brooks 7 house from being burned and
pillaged, but in vain. The chief, Howlish Wampool, did it at the
risk of his life.

Two Nez Perc6 chiefs now here, Joseph and Red Wolf, desire me
to tell you that all their tribe is for peace; that they will suffer no
hostile Indians to remain among them. In justice to Pierre (Walla
Walla chief), I beg to say that he stuck to his charge until forced
away by Serpent Jaune and his people, but not until they had robbed
three different times out of the fort. He was alone, and, of course,
could not prevent them. As affairs stand, it is my humble opinion
that it might not be prudent to make your w r ay hither with the
force at your command of one hundred and fifty men. I have re
quested the bearers of this dispatch to proceed to The Dalles with
the letters to the respective addresses of Messrs. Olney and Noble;
and placed as we are, a mere handful of men, destitute of ammuni
tion, the sooner assistance is tendered to us the better, for Serpent
Jaune daily threatens to burn our houses and to kill us, and he is
not the only enemy we have to dread.

In haste, I remain, sir, respectfully, your obedient humble servant,

NARCISSE RAYMOND,
The commander in charge coming to Fort Walla Walla.

Such was the information sent by a French resident of
Walla Walla valley, one of the settlers who had been
warned by Agent Olney to leave the country as soon as
an escort should be furnished them. To do so before would
precipitate the Indians upon them in force, whereas while
they kept quiet, the hostiles were kept within the bounds
of robbery and arson. But that robbery and arson were
the customary introduction to bloody warfare was too well
understood to be disregarded. Nor would a force of one
hundred and fifty men be a sufficient guard to remove the
settlers in safety, or even to enter the country in safety.
Yet, when this information reached The Dalles, there was
not even that number of troops at this post, Major Rains

THE YAKIMA WAR. 437

having taken with him to the Yakima country all of his
available force. Even when Major Fitzgerald, who had
been ordered from Fort Lane had arrived, he added only
fifty dragoons to the strength of the army in eastern
Oregon.

Either protection must be denied the friendly chiefs,
who kept the treaty and obeyed the agent, together with
the French and American settlers, and their property, as
well as the property of the United States Indian depart
ment, and that of the Hudson s Bay Company, or assis
tance must be immediately rendered. Also the country
must be kept open so that not only Governor Stevens could
return to his capital, but miners to their homes.

These motives would have seemed sufficient for the gov
ernor of Oregon to prompt him to call for the eight com
panies, and that without being influenced by political
demagoguery, if indeed politics can be kept out of any im
portant movement by any government, whether national
or territorial. It was objected by some that the war be
longed to Washington and not to Oregon, which was true,
but with modifying conditions. The northeast boundary
of Oregon, it was often contended, should be the Snake
river, and several attempts were made to have it include
at least the whole Walla Walla valley, about half of which
lay south of the boundary established by congress. .It
was peopled by settlers from the Wallamet valley, and the
improvements existing had been made by Oregon people.
Again, the hostile Cay uses belonged to the Oregon super-
intendency, their reservation being upon the Umatilla
river, in Oregon. Thus, aside from any obligation towards
Stevens on the score of courtesy and humanity, the gov
ernor of Oregon was compelled to take notice of the de
mand for assistance coming from that quarter.

It was a point urged against the Oregon volunteers that
they declined to be mustered into the service of the United
States; but had they done so they would have been pre
vented going to the relief of the country where their services

438 INDIAN WAES OF OREGON.

were most required. It was also a point urged against
Major Rains that he allowed himself to be commissioned
brigadier-general of Washington territory by acting Gov
ernor Mason, it being considered by Wool beneath the
dignity of a United States officer to accept a commission
from a territorial officer; though the rank of each was
given by appointment from the general government; and
although the commission was necessary to give the com
mand of the Washington volunters to a major of the
United States forces. Oregon had a brigadier-general of
her own, and all the other officers necessary to a complete
organization of her militia, with no motive for handing
over the command to a United States major.

On the tenth of October, Governor Curry wrote the fol
lowing letter to his adjutant:

AT HOME, NEAR BUTTEVILLE,

October 10, 1855, 10 o clock P. M.
General E. M. Barnum :

DEAR GENERAL : I have just received information as follows,
mostly from Humason : Major Haller, who went out one hundred
men against the Yakimas, is in a critical position in the Simcoe val
ley, being surrounded by some thousand hostile Indians. He had
a fight with them and lost twelve men. They have him nicely
"corralled." He pushed through in the nighttime an express to
Major Bains for help. I understand the major has made a requisi
tion on me for help. I have not received it, as it probably went to
Salem. In the contingency that he has so called, or that the settle
ments along the Columbia may be in danger for all the available
force ( regular troops ) has gone to the assistance of Major Haller,
and the settlements left without protection may be ail inducement
to Indian incursion at any rate, will you do me the favor to come
down and meet me at Portland. If I make a call it will be to ren
dezvous opposite Portland, and I would wish your services to mus
ter the men into service, that all may correctly appear of record,
and not in the loose irregular manner that the business has been
conducted heretofore. Let me refer you to Terry, who may have
more news than I have given you.

Haller has lost all his horses and provisions. You will readily
perceive that this will embolden the Indians, and other tribes will
join those already hostilely arrayed, and a protracted Indian war
may not possibly be avoided. I should be pleased to see you with-

Featured

Top

Featured

Top

Featured

Top

Featured

Top

Featured

Top

Full text of "The early Indian wars of Oregon : compiled from the Oregon archives and other original sources : with muster rolls"

See other formats